Geral
General
Quando Colombo aterrou na ilha de São Salvador em 1492, foi recebido por um povo de pele bronzeada, cuja aparência física confirmou sua opinião de que finalmente havia chegado à Índia, e a quem, portanto, chamou de Índios, Indians, um nome que, embora errôneo em sua primeira aplicação, continuou a ser utilizado e logo ganhou aceitação geral, exceto em escritos estritamente científicos, onde o termo mais exato Americano é comumente empregado. À medida que a exploração se estendia para o norte e para o sul, descobriu-se que a mesma raça estava espalhada por todo o continente, desde as costas árticas até o Cabo Horn, apresentando características físicas principais semelhantes, com exceção dos esquimós no extremo norte, cujas feições sugerem a origem mongólica.
When Columbus landed on the island of San Salvador in 1492 he was welcomed by a brown-skinned people whose physical appearance confirmed him in his opinion that he had at last reached India, and whom, therefore, he called Indios, Indians, a name which, however mistaken in its first application continued to hold its own, and has long since won general acceptance, except in strictly scientific writing, where the more exact term American is commonly used. As exploration was extended north and south it was found that the same race was spread over the whole continent, from the Arctic shores to Cape Horn, everywhere alike in the main physical characteristics, with the exception of the Eskimo in the extreme North, whose features suggest the Mongolian.
Tipo racial
Race type
As características físicas mais marcantes do tipo racial indígena são pele morena, olhos castanho-escuros, maciços faciais proeminentes, cabelo preto liso e barba escassa. A cor não é vermelha, como se supõe popularmente, mas varia de muito clara em algumas tribos, como os Cheyenne, a quase negra em outras, como os Caddo e Tarimari. Em algumas tribos, como os Flatheads, a pele tem um tom amarelado distinto. O cabelo é castanho na infância, mas sempre preto no adulto até ficar grisalho com a idade. A calvície é quase desconhecida. O olho não se mantém tão aberto quanto no caucasiano e parece melhor adaptado à distância do que ao trabalho de perto. O nariz é geralmente reto e bem formado, e em algumas tribos fortemente aquilino. Suas mãos e pés são comparativamente pequenos. Altura e peso variam como entre os europeus, os Pueblos tendo em média pouco mais de cinco pés, enquanto os Cheyenne e Arapaho são excepcionalmente altos, e os Tehuelche da Patagônia quase maciços em constituição. Via de regra, os índios do deserto, como os Apache, são magros e musculosos em constituição, enquanto os das regiões florestadas são mais pesados, embora não proporcionalmente mais fortes. A barba é sempre escassa, mas aumenta com a mistura de sangue branco. A ideia equivocada de que o índio naturalmente não tem barba deve-se ao fato de que na maioria das tribos ela é arrancada conforme cresce, as sobrancelhas sendo tratadas da mesma forma. Não existe tribo de "índios brancos", mas albinos com pele loira, olhos rosa fracos e cabelo quase branco são ocasionalmente encontrados, especialmente entre os Pueblos.
The most marked physical characteristics of the Indian race type are brown skin, dark brown eyes, prominent cheek bones, straight black hair, and scantiness of beard. The color is not red, as is popularly supposed, but varies from very light in some tribes, as the Cheyenne, to almost black in others, as the Caddo and Tarimari. In a few tribes, as the Flatheads, the skin has a distinct yellowish cast. The hair is brown in childhood, but always black in the adult until it turns grey with age. Baldness is almost unknown. The eye is not held so open as in the Caucasian and seems better adapted to distance than to close work. The nose is usually straight and well shaped, and in some tribes strongly aquiline. Their hands and feet are comparatively small. Height and weight vary as among Europeans, the Pueblos averaging but little more than five feet, while the Cheyenne and Arapaho are exceptionally tall, and the Tehuelche of Patagonia almost massive in build. As a rule, the desert Indians, as the Apache, are spare and muscular in build, while those of the timbered regions are heavier, although not proportionately stronger. The beard is always scanty, but increases with the admixture of white blood. The mistaken idea that the Indian has naturally no beard is due to the fact that in most tribes it is plucked out as fast as it grows, the eyebrows being treated in the same way. There is no tribe of "white Indians", but albinos with blond skin, weak pink eyes and almost white hair are occasionally found, especially among the Pueblos.
Origin and antiquity
Various origins have been assigned to the Indian race—from Europe and the East, by way of Greenland or the mythic land of Atlantis; from Asia, by way of the Bering Straits and the Polynesian Islands, has more advocates, and also more reasons in its favour. The fact that Japanese and other Asiatic adventurers have frequently landed upon the North Pacific coast of America is a matter of history, and tribal tradition and other evidence indicate that such contact was as frequent in prehistoric times, but whether all this has been sufficient to make permanent impression upon the physique and culture, let alone to account for a race, is an open question. For some years this problems has been under systematic investigation by the American Museum of New York City, with promise of important results. As far as at present known, the only permanent migration has been in the opposite direction, an Eskimo tribe in Alaska having taken up permanent residence in Siberia within the historic period.
The theory of autochthonous origin is usually, though not necessarily, connected with that of extreme antiquity, several writers claiming for the Indian, as for the primitive cave men of early Europe, an existence contemporaneous with the glacial period. While this theory has many learned advocates, basing their opinion on such isolated finds as those of the Trenton gravels, the "Calaveras skull", and the "Lansing man", the consensus of scientific opinion is that evidence as to the original placement of these finds in undisturbed strata is not sufficient to establish the claim. With regards to shell heaps and other deposits in mass, the highest estimates of age do not give them more than a few thousand years, and Dall, our best authority on Alaska, allows the oldest middens on the Aleutian Islands no more than three thousand. The more civilized nations, such as the Maya, the Totonac, the Musyca, and the Quichua, all probably had their origin, as such, within a thousand years, or within five hundred years of the discovery. Without going back to geologic periods, however, the practical similarity of physical type over both continents implies long occupancy.
The various claims for Jewish, Phoenician, Irish, or Welsh origin have no provable foundation, although the first especially has found advocates for nearly three centuries and has even furnished the motive for the Book of Mormon. The numerous mounds and other earthworks scattered over the eastern United States, with the cliff-ruins and other house ruins in the South-West, have also given opportunity for much speculation and theorizing as to the former existence in these regions of former highly civilized nations now extinct. Scientific examination, however, shows that the ruins and earthworks are of the most rudimentary architectural character, being rude in construction, and inexact and unsymmetrical in dimensional measurements, while the various artifacts found within them are almost identical with those still in use by the uncivilized tribes. The more important house ruins are historically or traditionally known to have been built and occupied by ancestors of the Pueblo, Pima, and other tribes still inhabiting the same region. Some of the mounds of the eastern section are also known to have been in use as foundations of tribal "townhouses" within the historic period, but the majority of the larger earthworks, as those of Cahokia in Illinois, of Etowah in Georgia, the Serpent Mound and Newark earthworks in Ohio, are more ancient, and probably originated with more populous tribes with afterwards moved down into more southern regions. The Aztec themselves, according to definite tribal tradition, reached the valley of Mexico from the far North, and linguistic evidence established their connection with the great Shoshonian linguistic stock whose tribes extend almost continuously along the backbone of the continent from the Columbia River to the Isthmus of Panama. In the same way the Apache and Navajo of the Mexico border are known to have emigrated from the frozen shores of the Yukon and Mackenzie. As in Europe and Asia, the general movement was from north to south, but the Algonkian (Ojibwa, etc.) and Siouan (Sioux, etc.) tribes moved westward from the Atlantic seaboard, while the Muskhogean of the Gulf states had their earlier home west of the Mississippi. One great South American stock—the Arawakan—after occupying the Antilles, completed the chain of connection by planting a colony in Florida.
Languages
One of the remarkable facts in American ethnology is the great diversity of languages. The number of languages and well-marked dialects may well have reached one thousand, constituting some 150 separate linguistic stocks, each stock as distinct from all the others as the Aryan languages are distinct from the Turanian or the Bantu. Of these stocks, approximately seventy were in the northern, and eighty in the southern continent. They were all in nearly the same primitive stage of development, characterized by minute exactness of description with almost entire absence of broad classification. Thus the Cherokee, living in a country abounding in wild fruits, had no word for grape, but had instead a distinct descriptive term for each of the three varieties with which he was acquainted. In the same way, he could not simply say "I am here", but must qualify the condition as standing, sitting, etc.
The earliest attempt at a classification of the Indian languages of the United States and British America was made by Albert Gallatin in 1836. The beginning of systematic investigation dates from the establishment of the Bureau of American Ethnology under Major J.W. Powell in 1879. For the languages of Mexico and Central America, the basis is the "Geografía" of Orozco y Berra, of 1864, supplemented by the later work of Brinton, in his "American Race" (1891), and corrected and brought up to the latest results in the linguistic map by Thomas and Swanton now in preparation by the Bureau of Ethnology. For South America, we have the "Catálogo" of Hervas (1784), which covers also the whole field of languages throughout the world; Brinton's work just noted, containing the summary of all known up to that time, and Chamberlain's comprehensive summary, published in 1907.
To facilitate intertribal communication, we frequently find the languages of the more important tribes utilized by smaller tribes throughout the same region, as Comanche in the southern plains and Navajo (Apache) in the South-West. From the same necessity have developed certain notable trade jargons, based upon some dominant language, with incorporations from many others, including European, all smoothed down and assimilated to a common standard. Chief among these were the "Mobilian" of the Gulf states based upon Choctaw; the "Chinook jargon" of the Columbia and adjacent territories of the Pacific coast, a remarkable conglomerate based upon the extinct Chinook language; and the lingoa geral of Brazil and the Paraná region, based upon Tupí-Guaraní. To these must be added the noted "sign language" of the plains, a gesture code, which answered every purpose of ordinary intertribal intercourse from Canada to the Rio Grande.
United States, British America, etc.
Houses
In and north of the United States there were some twenty well-defined types of native dwellings, varying from the mere brush shelter to the five-storied pueblo. In the eastern United States and adjacent parts of Canada the prevailing type was that commonly known under the Algonkian name of wigwam, of wagon-top shape, with perpendicular sides and ends and rounded roof, and constructed of stout poles set in the ground and covered with bark or with mats woven of grass or rushes. Doorways at each end served also as windows, and openings in the roof allowed the smoke to escape. Not even pueblo architecture had evolved a chimney. In general the houses were communal, several closely related families occupying the same dwelling. The Iroquois houses were sometimes one hundred feet in length, divided into compartments about ten feet square, opening upon a central passageway along which were ranged the fires, two families occupying opposite compartments at the same fire. Raised platforms around the sides of the room were covered with skins and served both as seats and beds. The houses of a settlement were usually scattered irregularly, according to the convenience of the owner, but in some cases, especially on disputed tribal frontiers, they were set compactly together in regular streets, and surrounded by strong stockades. The Iroquois stockaded forts had platforms running around on the inside, near the top, from which the defenders could more easily shoot down upon the enemy. In the Gulf states, every important settlement had its "town-house", a great circular structure, with conical roof, built of logs, and devoted to councils and tribal ceremonials. The tipi (the Sioux name for house) or conical tent-dwelling of the upper lake and plains region was of poles set lightly in the ground, bound together near the top, and covered with bark or mats in the lake country, and with dressed buffalo skins on the plains. It was easily portable, and two women could set it up or take in down within an hour. On ceremonial occasions the tipi camp was arranged in a great circle, with the ceremonial "medicine lodge" in the centre. The semi-sedentary Pawnee Mandan, and other tribes along the Missouri built solid circular structures of logs, covered with earth, capable sometimes of housing a dozen families. The Wichita and other tribes of the Texas border built large circular houses of grass thatch laid over a framework of poles. The Navaho hogan, was a smaller counterpart of the Pawnee "earth lodge". The communal pueblo structure of the Rio Grande region consisted of a number—sometimes hundreds—of square-built rooms of various sizes, of stone or adobe laid in clay mortar, with flat roof, court-yards, and intricate passage ways, suggestive of oriental things. The Piute wikiup of Nevada was only one degree above the brush shelter of the Apache. California, with its long stretch from north to south, and its extremes from warm plain to snowclad sierra, had a variety of types, including the semi-subterranean. Along the whole northwest coast, from the Columbia to the Eskimo border, the prevailing type was the rectangular board structure, painted with symbolic designs, and with the great totem pole carved with the heraldic crests of the owner, towering above the doorway. On the Yukon we find the subterranean dwelling, while the Eskimo had both the subterranean house and the dome-shaped iglu, built of blocks of hardened snow. Besides the regular dwellings, almost every tribe had some style of temporary structure, besides "sweat houses", summer arbors, provision caches, etc.
Food and its procurement
In the timbered regions of the eastern and southern states and the adjacent portions of Canada, along the Missouri and among the Pueblos, Pima, and other tribes of the south-west, the chief dependence was upon agriculture, the principal crops being corn, beans, and squashes, besides a native tobacco. The New England tribes understood the principal of manuring, while those of the arid southwest built canals and practiced irrigation. Along the whole ocean-coast, in the lake region and on the Columbia, fishing was an important source of subsistence. On the south Atlantic seaboard elaborate weirs were in use, but elsewhere the hook and line, the seine or the harpoon, were more common. Clams and oysters were consumed in such quantities along the Atlantic coast that in some favourable gathering-places empty shells were piled into mounds ten feet high. From central California northward along the whole west coast, the salmon was the principle, and on the Columbia, almost the entire, food dependence. The northwest-coast tribes, as well as the Eskimo, were fearless whalers. Everywhere the wild game, of course, was an important factor in the food supply, particularly the deer in the timber region and the buffalo on the plains. The nomad tribes of the plains, in fact, lived by the buffalo, which, in one way or another, furnished them with food, clothing, shelter, household equipment, and fuel.
In this connection there were many curious tribal and personal taboos founded upon clan traditions, dreams, or other religious reasons. Thus the Navajo and the Apache, so far from eating the meat of a bear, refuse even to touch the skin of one, believing the bear to be of human kinship. For a somewhat similar reason some tribes of the plains and the arid South-West avoid a fish, while considering the dog a delicacy.
Besides the cultivated staples, nuts, roots, and wild fruits were in use wherever procurable. The Indians of the Sierras lived largely upon acorns and piñons. Those of Oregon and the Columbia region gathered large stores of camass and other roots, in addition to other species of berries. The Apache and other south-western tribes gathered the cactus fruit and toasted the root of the maguey. The tribes of the upper lake region made great use of wild rice, while those of the Ohio Valley made sugar from the sap of the maple, and those of the southern states extracted a nourishing oil from the hickory nut. Pemmican and hominy are Indian names as well as Indian inventions, and maple sugar is also an aboriginal discovery. Salt was used by many tribes, especially on the plains and in the South-West, but in the Gulf states lye was used instead. Cannibalism simply for the sake of food could hardly be said to exist, but, as a war ceremony or sacrifice following a savage triumph, the custom was very general, particularly on the Texas coast and among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes of the east. The Tonkawa of Texas were know to all their neighbours as the "Man-Eaters". Apparently the only native intoxicant was tiswin, a sort of mild beer fermented from corn by the Apache and neighbouring tribes.
Domesticated animals
The dog was practically the only domesticated animal before the advent of the whites and was found in nearly all tribes, being used as a beast of burden by day and as a constant sentinel by night, while with some tribes the flesh was also a favourite dish. He was seldom, if ever, trained to hunting. Eagles and other birds were occasionally kept for their feathers, and the children sometimes had other pets than puppies. The horse, believed to have been introduced by the Spaniards, speedily became as important a factor in the life of the plains tribes as the buffalo itself. In the same way the sheep and goats, introduced by the early Franciscans, have become the chief source of wealth to the Navajo, numbering now half a million animals from which they derive an annual income of over a million dollars.
Industries and arts
In the fabrication of domestic instruments, weapons, ornaments, ceremonial objects, boats, seines, and traps, in house-building and in the making of pottery and baskets, the Indian showed considerable ingenuity in design and infinite patience of execution. In the division of labour, the making of weapons, hunting and fishing requirements, boats, pipes, and most ceremonial objects fell to the men, while the domestic arts of pottery and basket-making, weaving and dressing of skins, the fashioning of clothing and the preparation and preservation of food commonly devolved upon the women. Among the sedentary or semi-sedentary tribes house-building belonged usually to the men, although the women sometimes assisted. On the plains the entire making and keeping of the tipi were appointed to the women. In many tribes the man cut, sewed, and decorated his own buckskin suit, and in some of the Pueblo villages the men were the basket-weavers.
While the house, in certain tribes, evinced considerable architecture skill, its prime purpose was always utilitarian, and there was usually but little attempt at decorative effect, excepting the Haida, Tlingit, and others of the northwest coast, where the great carved and painted totem poles, sometimes sixty feet in height, set up in front of every dwelling, were a striking feature of the village picture. The same tribes were notable for their great sea-going canoes, hollowed out from a single cedar trunk, elaborately carved and painted, and sometimes large enough to accommodate forty men. The skin boat or kaiak of the Eskimo was a marvel of lightness and buoyancy, being practically unsinkable. The birch-bark canoe of the eastern tribes was especially well-adapted to its purposes of inland navigation. In the southern states we find the smaller "dug-out" log canoe. On the plains the boat was virtually unknown, except for the tub-shaped skin boat of the Mandan and associated tribes of the upper Missouri.
The Eskimo were noted for their artistic carvings of bones and walrus ivory; the Pueblo for their turquoise-inlaid work and their wood carving, especially mythologic figurines, and the Atlantic and California coast tribes for their work in shell. The wampum, or shell beads, made chiefly from the shells of various clams found along the Atlantic coast have become historic, having been extensively used not only for dress ornamentation, but also on treaty belts, as tribal tribute, and as a standard of value answering the purpose of money. The ordinary stone hammer or club, found in nearly every tribe, represented much patient labour, while the whole skill of the artist was frequently expended upon the stone-carved pipe. The black stone pipes of the Cherokee were famous in the southern states, and the red stone pipe of catlinite from a single quarry in Minnesota was reputed sacred and was smoked at the ratification of all solemn tribal engagements throughout the plains and the lake-region. Knives, lance-blades, and arrow-heads were also usually of stone, preferably flint or obsidian. Along the Gulf Coast, keen-edged knives fashioned from split canes were in use. Corn mortars and bowls were usually of wood in the timber region and of stone in the arid country. Hide-scrapers were of bone, and spoons of wood or horn. Metal-work was limited chiefly to the fashioning of gorgets and other ornaments hammered out from native copper, found in the southern Alleghenies, about Lake Superior, and about Copper River in Alaska. The art of smelting was apparently unknown. Under Franciscan and later Mexican teaching the Navahos have developed a silver-working art which compares in importance with their celebrated basket-weaving, the material used being silver coins melted down in stone molds of their own carving. Mica was mined in the Carolina mountains by the local tribes and fashioned into gorgets and mirrors, which found their way by trade as far as the western prairies, All of these arts belonged to the men.
The making of pottery belonged to the women and was practiced in nearly all tribes, excepting those in the plains and interior basin, and the cold north. The Eastern pottery is usually decorated with stamped patterns. That of the Pueblo and other south-western tribes was smooth and painted over with symbolic designs. A few specimens of glazed ware have been found in the same region, but it is doubtful if the process is of native origin. The Catawba and some other tribes produced a beautiful black ware by burning the vessel under cover, so that the smoke permeated the pores of the clay. The simple hand process by coiling was universally used.
Basket-weaving in wood splits, cane, rushes, yucca- or bark-fibre, and various grasses was practiced by the same tribes which made pottery, and excepting in a few tribes, was likewise a women's work. The basket was stained in various designs with vegetable dyes. The Cherokee made a double-walled basket. Those of the Choctaw, Pueblo tribes, Jicarillo, and Piute were noted for beauty of design and execution, but the Pomo and other tribes of California excelled in all closeness and delicacy of weaving and richness of decoration, many of their grass baskets being water-tight and almost hidden under an inter-weaving of bright-coloured plumage, and further decorated around the top with pendants of shining mother-of-pearl. The weaving of grass or rush mats for covering beds or wigwams may be considered as a variant of the basket-weaving process, as likewise the delicate porcupine quill appliqué work of the northern plains and upper-Mississippi tribes.
The useful art of skin-dressing also belonged exclusively to the women, excepting along the Arctic coasts, where furs, instead of denuded skins, were worn by the Eskimo, while the entrails of the larger sea animals were also utilized for waterproof garments. The skins in most general use were those of the buffalo, elk, and deer, which were prepared by scraping, stretching, and anointing with various softening or preservative mixtures, of which the liver or brains of the animal were commonly a part. The timber tribes generally smoked the skins, a process unknown on the plains. A limited use was made of bird skins with the feathers intact.
The weaving art proper was also almost exclusively in the hands of the women. In the east, aside from basket- and mat-making it was confined almost entirely to the twisting of ropes or bowstrings, and the making of belts, the skin fabric taking the place of the textile. In the South-West the Pueblo tribes wove native cotton upon looms of their own device, and, since the introduction of sheep by the Franciscan missionaries in the sixteenth century, the Navaho, enlarging upon their Pueblo teaching have developed a weaving art which has made the Navaho blanket famous throughout the country, the stripping, spinning, weaving, and dyeing of the wool all being their own. The Piute of Nevada and others of that region wore blankets woven from strips of rabbit-fur. Some early writers mention feather-woven cloaks among the gulf tribes, but it is possible that the feathers were simply overlaid upon the skin garment.
It is notable that the Indian worker, man or woman, used no pattern, carrying the design in the head. Certain designs, however, were standardized and hereditary in particular tribes and societies.
Games and amusements
Naturally careless of the future, the Indian gave himself up to pleasure when not under immediate necessity or danger, and his leisure time at home was filled with a constant round of feasting, dancing, story-telling, athletic contests, and gambling games. The principal athletic game everywhere east of the Missouri, as well as with some tribes of the Pacific coast, was the ballplay adopted by the French of Canada under the name lacrosse and in Louisiana as racquette. In this game the ball was caught, not with the hand, but with a netted ball-stick somewhat resembling a tennis racket. A special dance and secret ceremonial preceded the contest. Next in tribal favour in the eastern region was the game known to the early traders under the corrupted Creek name of chunkee, in which one player rolled a stone wheel along the ground, while his competitor slid after it a stick curved at one end like an umbrella handle with the design of having the spent wheel fall within the curve at the end of its course. This game, which necessitated much hard running, was sometimes kept up for hours. A somewhat similar game played with a netted wheel and a straight stick was found upon the plains, the object being to dart the stick through the certain netted holes in the wheel, known as the buffalo, bull, calf, etc. Foot races were very popular with certain tribes, as the Pueblo, Apache. Wichita and Crows, being frequently a part of great ceremonial functions. On the plains horse-racing furnished exciting amusement. There were numerous gambling games, somewhat of the dice order, played with marked sticks, plum stones, carved bones, etc., these being in special favour with the women. Target shooting with bow and arrow, and various forms of dart shooting were also popular.
Among distinctly women's games were football and shinny, the former, however, being merely the bouncing of the ball from the toes with the purpose of keeping in the air as long as possible. Hand games, in which a number of players arranged themselves in two opposing lines and alternately endeavoured to guess the whereabouts of a small object shifted rapidly from hand to hand, were a favourite tipi pastime with both sexes in the winter evenings, to the accompaniment of songs fitted to the rapid movement of the hands. Story-telling and songs, usually to the accompaniment of the rattle or small hand-drum, filled in the evening. The Indian was essentially musical, his instruments being the drum, rattle, flute, or flageolet, eagle-bone whistle and other more crude devices. Each had its special religious significance and ceremonial purposes, particularly the rattle, of which there were many varieties. Besides the athletic and gambling games, there were games of diversion played only on rare occasions of tribal necessity with sacred paraphernalia in keeping of sacred guardians. The Indian was fond also of singing and had songs for every occasion — love, war, hunting, gaming, medicine, satire, children's songs, and lullabies.
The children played with tops, whips, dolls, and other toys, or imitated their elders in shooting, riding, and "playing house".
War
As war is the normal condition of savagery, so to the Indian warlike glory was the goal of his ambition, the theme of his oratory, and the purpose of his most elaborate ceremonial. His weapons were the knife, bow, club, lance, and tomahawk, or stone axe, which last was very soon superseded by the light steel hatchet supplied by the trader. To these, certain tribes added defensive armour, as the body-armour of rawhides or wooden rods in use along the northwest coast and some other sections, and the shield more particularly used by the equestrian tribes of the plains. As a rule, the lance and shield were more common in the open country, and the tomahawk in the woods. The bow was usually of some tough and flexible wood with twisted sinew cord, but was sometimes of bone or horn backed with sinew rapping. It is extremely doubtful if poisoned arrows were found north of Mexico, notwithstanding many assertions to the contrary.
Where the clan system prevailed the general conduct of war matters was often in the keeping of special clans, and in some tribes, such as the Creeks, war and peace negotiations and ceremonials belonged to certain towns designated as "red" or "white". With the Iroquois and probably with other tribes, the final decision on war or peace rested with a council of the married women. On the plains the warriors of the tribes were organized into military societies of differing degrees of rank, from the boys in training to the old men who had passed their active period. Military service was entirely voluntary with the individual who, among the eastern tribes, signified his acceptance in some public manner, as by striking the red-painted war-post, or, on the plains, by smoking the pipe sent round by the organizers of the expeditions. Contrary to European practice, the command usually rested with several leaders of equal rank, who were not necessarily recognized as chiefs on other occasions. The departure and the return were made according to the fixed ceremonial forms, with solemn chants of defiance, victory, or grief at defeat. In some tribes there were small societies of chosen warriors pledged never to turn or flee from an enemy except by express permission of their fellows, but in general the Indian warrior chose not to take large risks, although brave enough in desperate circumstance.
To the savage every member of a hostile tribe was equally an enemy, and he gloried as much in the death of an infant as in that of the warrior father. Victory meant indiscriminate massacre, with most revolting mutilation of the dead, followed in the early period in nearly every portion of the East and South by a cannibal feast. The custom of scalping the dead, so general in later Indian wars, has been shown by Frederici to have been confined originally to a limited area east of the Mississippi, gradually superseding the earlier custom of beheading. In many western tribes, the warrior's prowess was measured not by the number of his scalp trophies, but by the number of his coups (French term), or strokes upon the enemy, for which there was a regular scale according to kind, the highest honour being accorded not to one one who secured the scalp, but to the warrior who struck the first blow upon the enemy, even though with no more than a willow rod. The scalp dance was performed, not by the warriors, but by the women, who thus rejoiced over the success of their husbands and brothers. There was no distinctive "war dance".
Captives among the eastern tribes were either condemned to death with every horrible form of torture or ceremonially adopted into the tribe, the decision usually resting with the women. If adopted, he at once became a member of a family, usually as representative of a deceased member, and at once acquired full tribal rights. In the Huron wars whole towns of the defeated nation voluntarily submitted and were adopted into the Iroquois tribes. On the plains torture was not common. Adults were seldom spared, but children were frequently spared and either regularly adopted or brought up in a mild sort of slavery. Along the northwest coast, and as far south as California slavery prevailed in its harshest form and was the usual fate of the captive.
Social organization
Among most of the tribes east of the Mississippi, among the Pueblos, Navahos, and others of the South-West, and among the Tlingit and Haida of the northwest coast, society was based upon the clan system, under which the tribe was divided into a number of large family groups, the members of which were considered as closely related and prohibited from intermarrying. The children usually followed the clan of the mother. The clans themselves were sometimes grouped into larger bodies of related kindred, to which the name of phratries has been applied. The clans were usually, but not always, named from animals, and each clan paid special reverence to its tutelary animal. Thus the Cherokee had seven clans, Wolf, Deer, Bird, Paint, and three others with names not readily translated, A Wolf man could not marry a Wolf woman, but might marry a Deer woman, or one of any of the other clans, and his children were of the Deer clan or other clan accordingly. In some tribes the name of the individual indicated the clan, as "Round Foot" in the wolf clan and "Crawler" in the Turtle clan. Certain functions of war, peace, or ceremonial were usually hereditary in special clans, and revenge for injuries with the tribe devolved upon the clan relatives of the person injured. The tribal council was made up of the hereditary or elected chiefs, and any alien taken into the tribe had to be specifically adopted into a family and clan.
The clan system was by no means universal, as supposed by Morgan and his followers of forty years ago, but is now known to have been limited to particular regions and seems to have been originally an artificial contrivance to protect land and other tribal descent. It was absent almost everywhere west of the Missouri, excepting in the South-West, and appears to have been unknown throughout the greater portion of British America, the interior of Alaska, and probably among the Eskimos. Among the plains tribes, the unit was the band, whose members camped together under their own chief, in an appointed place in the tribal camp circle, and were subject to no marriage prohibition, but usually married among themselves.
With a few notable exceptions, there was very little idea of tribal solidarity or supreme authority, and where a chief appears in history as tribal dictator, as in the case of Powhatan in Virginia, it was usually due to his own strong personality. The real authority was with the council as interpreters of ancient tribal customs. Even such well-known tribes as the Creeks and Cherokee were really only aggregations of closely cognate villages, each acting independently or in cooperation with the others as suited its immediate convenience. Even in the smaller and more compact tribes there was seldom any provision for coercing the individual to secure common action, but those of the same clan or band usually acted together. In this lack of solidarity is the secret of Indian military weakness. In no Indian war in the history of the United States has a single large tribe ever united in solid resistance, while on the other hand other tribes have always been found to join against the hostiles. Among the Natchez, Tinucua, and some other southern tribes, there is more indication of a central authority, resting probably with a dominant clan.
The Iroquois of New York had progressed beyond any other native people north of Mexico in the elaboration of a state and empire. Through a carefully planned system of confederations, originating about 1570, the five allied tribes had secured internal peace and unity, by which they had been able to acquire dominant control over most of the tribes from Hudson Bay to Carolina, and if not prematurely checked by the advent of the whites, might in time have founded a northern empire to rival that of the Aztec.
Land was usually held in common, except among the Pueblos, where it was apportioned among the clans, and in some tribes in northern California, where individual right is said to have existed. Timber and other natural products were free, and hospitality was carried to such a degree that no man kept what his neighbour wanted. While this prevented extremes of poverty, on the other hand it paralyzed individual industry and economy, and was an effectual barrier to progress. The accumulation of property was further discouraged by the fact that in most tribes it was customary to destroy all the belongings of the owner at his death. The word for "brave" and "generous" was frequently the same, and along the northwest coast there existed the curious custom known as potlatch, under which a man saved for half a lifetime in order to acquire the rank of chief by finally giving away his entire hoard at a grand public feast.
Enslavement of captives was more or less common throughout the country, especially in the southern states, where the captives were sometimes crippled to prevent their escape. Along the northwest coast and as far south as California, not only the captives but their children and later descendants were slaves and might be abused or slaughtered at the will of the master, being frequently burned alive with their deceased owner, or butchered to provide a ceremonial cannibal feast. In the Southern slave states, before the Civil War, the Indians were frequent owners of negro slaves.
Men and women, and sometimes even the older children, were organized into societies for military, religious, working, and social purposes, many of these being secret, especially those concerned with medicine and women's work. In some tribes there was also a custom by which two young men became "brothers" through a public exchange of names.
The erroneous opinion that the Indian man was an idler, and that the Indian woman was a drudge and slave, is founded upon a misconception of the native system of division of labour, under which it was the man's business to defend the home and to provide food by hunting and fishing, assuming all the risks and hardships of battle and the wilderness, while the woman attended to the domestic duties including the bringing of wood and water, and, with the nomad tribes, the setting up of the tipis. The children, however, required little care after they were able to run about, and the housekeeping was of the simplest, and, as the women usually worked in groups, with songs and gossip, while the children played about, the work had much of pleasure mixed with it. In all that chiefly concerned the home, the woman was the mistress, and in many tribes the women's council gave the final decision upon important matters of public policy. Among the more agricultural tribes, as the Pueblos, men and women worked the fields together. In the far north, on the other hand, the harsh environment seems to have brought all the savagery of the man's nature, and the woman was in fact a slave, subject to every whim of cruelty, excepting among the Kutchin of the Upper Yukon, noted for their kind treatment of their women. Polygamy existed in nearly all tribes excepting the Pueblos.
Religion and mythology
The Indian was an animist, to whom every animal, plant, and object in nature contained a spirit to be propitiated or feared. Some of these, such as the sun, the buffalo, and the peyote plant, the eagle and the rattlesnake, were more powerful or more frequently helpful than others, but there was no overruling "Great Spirit" as so frequently represented. Certain numbers, particularly four and seven, were held sacred. Colours were symbolic and had abiding place, and sometimes sex. Thus with the Cherokee the red spirits of power and victory live in the Sun Land, or the East, while the black spirits of death dwell in the Twilight Land of the West. Certain tribes had palladiums around which centered their most elaborate ritual. Each man had also his secret personal "medicine". The priest was likewise the doctor, and medicine and religious ritual were closely interwoven. Secret societies were in every tribe, claiming powers of prophecy, hypnotism, and clairvoyance. Dreams were in great repute, and implicitly trusted and obeyed, while witches, fairies, and supernatural monsters were as common as in medieval Europe. Human sacrifices, either of infants or adults, were found among the Timucua of Florida, the Natchez of Mississippi, the Pawnee of the plains, and some tribes of California and the northwest coast, the sacrifice in the last-mentioned region being frequently followed by a cannibal feast. From time to time, as among more civilized nations, prophets arose to purify the old religion or to preach a new ritual. Each tribe had its genesis, tradition, and mythical hero, with a whole body of mythologic belief and folklore, and one or more great tribal ceremonials. Among the latter may be noted the Green-Corn Dance thanksgiving festival of the eastern and southern tribes, the Sun-Dance of the plains, the celebrated snake dance of the Hopi and the Salmon Dance of the Columbia tribes.
Burial
The method of disposing of the dead varied according to the tribe and the environment, inhumation being probably the most widespread. The Hurons and the Iroquois allowed the bodies to decay upon scaffolds, after which the bones were gathered up and deposited with much ceremony in the common tribal sepulchre. The Nanticoke and Choctaw scraped the flesh from the bones, which were then wrapped in a bundle, and kept in a box within the dwelling. Tree, scaffold, and cave burial were common on the plains and in the mountains, while cremation was the rule in the arid regions father to the west and south-west. Northward from the Columbia the body was deposited in a canoe raised upon posts, while cave burial reappeared among the Aleut of Alaska, and earth burial among the Eskimo. The dread of mentioning the name of the dead was as universal as destroying the property of the deceased, even to the killing of his horse or dog, while the custom of placing food near the grave for the spirit during the journey to the other world was almost as common, Laceration of the body, cutting off of the hair, general neglect of the person, and ceremonial wailing, morning and evening, sometimes for weeks, were also parts of their funeral customs.
Language and population
Nearly two hundred major languages, besides minor dialects, were spoken north of Mexico, classified in fifty-one distinct linguistic stocks, as given below, of which nearly one-half were represented in California. Those marked with an asterisk are extinct, while several others are now reduced to less than a dozen individuals keeping the language: Algonquian, Athapascan (Déné), Attacapan, *Beothukan, Caddoan, Chimakuan, *Chimarikan, Chimmesyan, Chinookan, Chitimachan, *Chumashan, *Coahuiltecan (Pakawá), Copehan (Wintun), Costanoan, Eskimauan, *Esselenian, Iroquoian, Kalapooian, *Karankawan, Keresan, Kiowan, Kitunahan, Kaluschan (Tlingit), Kulanapan (Pomo), *Kusan, Mariposan (Yokuts), Moquelumnan (Miwok), Muskogean, Pujunan (Maidu), Quoratean (Karok), *Salinan, Salishan, Shahaptian, Shoshonean, Siouan, Skittagetan (Haida), Takilman, *Timucuan, *Tonikan, Tonkawan, Uchean, *Waiilatpuan (Cayuse), Wakashan (Nootka), Washoan, Weitspekan (Yurok), Wishoskan, Yakonan, *Yanan (Nosi), Yukian, Yuman, Zuñian.
While the Indian population was never dense, the idea that the Indian has held his own. or even actually increased in number, is a serious error, founded on the fact that most official estimates begin with the federal period, when the native race was already wasted by nearly three centuries of white contact and in many regions entirely extinct. An additional source of error is that the law recognizes anyone of even remote Indian ancestry as entitled to Indian rights, including in this category, especially in the former "Five Civilized Nations" of Indian Territory (now Oklahoma), several thousand individuals whose claims have always been stoutly repudiated by the native tribal courts. Moreover, the original Indian was a full-blood, while his present-day representative has often so little aboriginal blood as to practically a white man or a negro. Many broken tribes of today contain not a single full-blood, and some few not even one of half Indian blood. The Cherokee Nation, officially reported to number 36,000 persons of pure or mixed Cherokee blood contains probably not 4000 of even fairly pure blood, the rest being all degrees of admixture even down to one-sixty-fourth or less of Indian blood, besides some 7000 claimants officially recognized, but repudiated by the former Indian Government. In Massachusetts an official census of 1860 reported a "Yartmouth tribe" of 105 persons, all descended from a single Indian woman with a negro husband residing there in 1797. It is obvious that the term Indian cannot properly be applied to such diluted mixtures.
The entire aboriginal population of Florida, of the mission period, numbering perhaps 30,000, is long since extinct without descendants, the Seminole being a later emigrations from the Creeks. The aborigines of South Carolina, counting in 1700 some fifteen tribes of which the Catawba, the largest tribe, numbered some six thousand souls, are represented today by about a hundred mixed blood Catawba, together with some scattered mongrels, whose original ancestry is a matter of doubt.
The same holds good upon the plains, The celebrated Pawnee tribe of some 10,000 souls in 1838 is now reduced to 650; the Kansas of 1500 within the same period have now 200 souls, and the aborigines of Texas, numbering in 1700 perhaps some 40,000 souls in many small tribes with distinct languages, is extinct except for some 900 Caddo, Wichita, and Tonkawa. The last-named, estimated at 1,000 in 1805, numbered 700 in 1849, 300 in 1861, 108 in 1882, and 48 in 1908, including several aliens. In California the aboriginal population has decreased within the same period from perhaps a quarter of a million to perhaps 15,000, and nearly the same proportion of decrease holds good along the whole Pacific coast into Alaska. Not only have tribes dwindled, but whole linguistic stocks have become extinct within the historic period. The only apparent exceptions to the general rule of decay are the Iroquois, Sioux, and Navaho, the first two of whom have kept up their number by wholesale adoptions, while the Navaho have been preserved by their isolation. The causes of decrease may be summarized as: (1) introduced diseases and dissipation, particularly smallpox, sexual disease, and whiskey; (2) wars, also hardship and general enfeeblement consequent upon frequent removals and enforced change from accustomed habitat. The present Indian population north of Mexico is approximately 400,000, or whom approximately 265,000 are within the United States proper.
Mexico, Central America, and West Indies
Between the Rio Grande and the Isthmus of Panama was a large number of tribes, constituting some twnety-five linguistic stocks, and representing every degree of culture from the lowest savagery to a fairly advanced civilization. Lowest of all were the tribes of the California peninsula, with the Seri of Tiburon Island. Of somewhat higher grade, but still savages, were the dwellers in the low coast-lands of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The Tarumari, Tepehuan, Huichol, and others of the northern sierras were about on a level with our own Pueblo tribes, while the Aztec, Totonac, Tarasco, Zapotec, and Mistec, the Maya, Kiché, and Cakchiquel, of the central region, might almost be considered civilized nations, counting their citizens by hundreds of thousands, with agriculture and all the common industrial arts, a well-developed agriculture, an established and orderly government, and a voluminous hieroglyphic literature.
As in the United States the general direction of migration seems to have been from north to south, excepting for the tribes of the Chibchan stock, an offshoot from the main body in Columbia. The celebrated Aztec, whose tribes occupied the valley of Mexico and its immediate environs, had a definite tradition of northern origins, and linguistic evidence shows them to have been closely cognate to the Pima and Shoshoni, while their culture was borrowed from the earlier and much more cultured, but less warlike, nations which they had overpowered some five centuries before their own conquest by Cortés in 1519. The empire which they had built up comprised many tribes of diverse stocks, held together only by the superior force of the conqueror, and easily disintegrated by the assaults of the Spaniards. The native civilizations, however, have left their permanent stamp on both Mexico and Central America.
In general characteristics, the cultures of the several civilized nations were very similar. Agriculture was the basis of industry and dependence; mountain-terracing, canal-irrigation, and even floating lake-gardens, being all utilized to meet the necessities of a swarming population. Stone, and more particularly obsidian, was still the chief material for ordinary implements, but they had discovered the art of bronze-casting, and were expert designers in gold. The working of iron—the master metal—was practically unknown upon the American continent. They were neatly clothed in cotton garments of various colours. Their pottery, particularly that of the Taracso, was beautiful in both design and manufacture, with glazed surface and inlay of precious metal. Their public architecture included magnificent temples and pyramids, of cut and polished stone set in mortar and covered with hieroglyphic inscriptions. The ruined cities of the Maya of Yucatán — Mayapan, Uxmal, and Chichén-Itzá, with scores of others, all occupied at the time of the conquest with such older ruins as Teotihuancan, and Copal, and Mitla—rival the great remains of classical antiquity.
The social and political organization seems to have been based upon the family group. There was a system of public education in which boys were taught military science, writing, and religious ritual, while girls were instructed in morals and domestic arts. Each civilized nation had an elaborate calendar system, that of the Maya proper being the most intricate, with cycles of 20, 52, and 260 years. The religious systems were characterized by the number and magnificence of their ceremonials, with armies of priests and priestesses, processions, feasts, and sacrifices, and by the general bloody tenor of their sacrifices, especially among the Aztecs, who yearly sacrificed thousands of captives to their gods, the bodies of the victims being afterwards eaten by the priests or by the original captors. The Maya religion, like the people, appears to have been of a milder character, although still admitting human sacrifice. In all these nations the king was of absolute authority. Whole libraries of native literature existed, chiefly of ritual content, written in iconomatic or hieroglyphic characters, upon paper of maguey fibre. Of those which have escaped the fanaticism of the first conquerors some of the most noted (Aztec) are exemplified in Lord Kingsborough's great work. Of the Mayan nations the most valuable literary monument is the "Popol Vuh" of the Kiché of Guatemala, translated by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. For a comprehensive view of these native civilizations our best authorities are Gomara and Herrara, of the earlier period, with Prescott and Hubert H. Bancroft of our own time. In spite of the exterminating wars of the conquest and the subsequent awful oppression under the slave system, the descendants of the aboriginal races—largely Christianized and assimilated to Spanish forms — still constitute the great bulk of the population between the Rio Grande and the Isthmus.
The ruder coastal tribes of central America present no distinguishing cultural features, subsisted by a limited agriculture, supplemented by hunting and fishing, without arts, monuments, or history of importance. The Ulva of Honduras practiced head-flattening. The Carib of the same region were forced immigrants from the Antilles.
Practically the whole of the West Indies were occupied by tribes of two linguistic stocks, the earlier of the Arawakan origin, the more recent being Cariban invaders from the northern coast of South America. The Arawakan aborigines were about in the cultural status of our own Gulf tribes, subsisting chiefly by agriculture and practicing the simpler arts, but unfitted by their peaceful habit to withstand the inroads of the predatory Carib, whose very name is synonymous with "cannibal". Under the awful cruelties of their Spanish conquerors and taskmasters they were virtually exterminated within two generations of the discovery (see Arawaks).
As commonly recognized, the linguistic stocks represented in Mexico, Central America, and the West Indies were about twenty-five in number, as given below, those marked with an asterisk being also extra-limital: *Athapascan (Chihuahua etc.); *Cariban (Honduras and the islands); Chiapanecan (Oaxaca); Huavean (Oaxaca); Lencan (Honduras); Maratinian, or Tamaulipecan (Tamaulipas); Matagalpan (Nicaragua); Mayan (Yucatan, Tabasco, Chiapas, Guatemala); Mosquitan (Honduras); *Nahuatlan Shoshonian (Mexico, etc.); Olivean (Tamaulipas); Otomian (Guerrero, etc.); Pakawan, or Coahuiltecan (Coahuila); Payan (Honduras); Serian (Sonora); Subtiaban (Nicaragua); Tarascan (Michoacan); Tequistlatecan (Oaxaca, Guerrero); Totonacan (Vera Cruz); Ulvan (Nicaragua etc.); Waikurian (California); Xanambriam (Tamaulipas); Xicaquan (Honduras); Xincan (Guatemala); *Yuman (California).
South America
On the South American continent there existed prior to European occupation a chain of highly developed civilizations extending along the Andean plateaus from the Isthmus southward into Chile, while all the rest—including the narrow coast strip along the Pacific and the great forests and pampas stretching forward to the Atlantic—were occupied by petty tribes of primitive culture status, from the sedentary agriculturalists of the middle Orinoco and the Piraná to the rude savages of Tierra del Fuego.
Among the civilized nations, in order from north to south, were the Muysca or Chibcha of Columbia, the Yunca and Quichua of Peru, and the somewhat problematic Aymará of the Peru-Bolivia frontier. Of these the most populous, most important, and best known were the Quichua, whose great empire of Peru, with its capital at Cuzco, dominated the whole region west of the great Cordillera from the Chibcha territory to about the 35th parallel in Chile, with outlying colonies among the Chalchaqui of Catamarca, east of the Andes chain. Their ruling caste, the Incas, who claimed descent from the sun and to whom belonged the emperors and the nobility, appear to have been originally the nucleus tribe of the empire, which in the course of centuries had gradually absorbed almost all the tribes of cognate Quichuan stock, together with a number of tribes and nations of alien stocks and of greater or less degree of culture. Unlike the Aztec, who held subjected tribes only by superior force, the Inca tribes pursued a systematic policy of removal and colonization with reference to the conquered tribes under which tribal differences rapidly disappeared, and the new subjects were completely fused into the body of the empire. The government, while nearly absolute, was mild and paternal, looking carefully after the welfare of every class and citizen, defining their privileges and duties, and holding each to a strict account according to its contribution to the general welfare. The religion took part in the same benevolent character, having none of the bloody and cannibalistic rites of the Aztec. The material civilization was probably the most advanced in aboriginal America, agriculture, pottery-making, weaving, and metal-working in gold and bronze being at their highest, while the stupendous temples, fortresses, and roads, in massive cut stone, were without parallel on the Continent, and still defy the centuries. In sculptural art, however, they were behind the Aztec, Maya, and other northern nations, and in anything literary had not progressed beyond a simple system by means of quipus or knotted cords. Among the best accounts of Inca civilization is that contained in Prescott's "Conquest of Peru", a description which will apply with approximate correctness to the others of the Andean region. The Chibcha race was virtually exterminated by the Spanish conquerors in their thirst for gold, but in Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia the descendants of the old civilized nations still constitute the bulk of the population, and the Quichua is the dominant language outside of the cities.
The Araucanians of southern Chile, who successfully resisted all attempts at their subjugation to the present day; the Moxos tribes of southern Bolivia and their neighbours, the Calchaqui of Argentina; the populous Guaraní tribes of the Paraguay; and the majority of the tribes of the middle Orinoco, were chiefly sedentary and agricultural in habit, and fairly well advanced in the simple native arts, including pottery-making, weaving, and the preparation of tapioca flour from the manioc root. The tribes of the great Amazon basin and of eastern Brazil, as a rule, were primarily hunters or fishers and of lower culture, as were the predatory equestrian tribes of the Chaco, central Argentina, and Patagonia, while the Ona and others of inclement Tierra del Fuego displayed the lowest degree of savagery, being without clothing, shelter, structure, or any art worthy of the name. Cannibalism prevailed over a large portion of the continent, especially among the Botocudo, Guaraní, and others of the Piraná and eastern Brazil, in portions of Guiana and the great Orinoco region, and on some of the upper streams of the Amazon. Social organization and tribal laws and government, excepting among the more sedentary tribes of the more southern region, were very loosely defined, and the religion of all seems to have been simple animism, with apparently much less of ceremonial form than was common among the tribes of similar grade on the northern continent, probably due to the nature of the tropical wilderness, which made it difficult to come together in large numbers.
The eastern tribes were terribly wasted by the organized slave-traders in the earlier period and until the Jesuits armed them for effective defence in the seventeenth century. Civilization with its introduced vices and new diseases, particularly smallpox, has been as destructive to them as to other savage races, and in spite of missionary effort and sporadic government protection in some states, they seem rapidly marching to final extinction.
As tabulated by Chamberlain, our most recent authority (South American Linguistic Stocks, 1907), the number of South American linguistic stocks was approximately eighty, as given below, the list being liable to some change with more extended investigation. Of these the Tuplan, or Tupi-Guaraní, alone occupies the greater portion of Brazil and Paraguay, and forms the basis of the lingoa geral or trade language. Alikulufan (Tierra del Fuego), Andaquian (Columbia), Apoliston (Bolivia), Arauan (Brazil), Araucan, or Aucan (Chile), Arawakan (Venezuela &c.), Ardan (Ecuador), Atacameñan (Chile), Aymaran? (Peru, Bolivia), Barbacoan (Columbia), Betoyan (Columbia, Venezuela), Bororoan (Brazil), Calchaquian (Argentina), Canarian (Peru-Ecuador), Canicunan (Bolivia), Carajan (Brazil), Caraban (Venezuela, Guiana, &c.), Caririan (Brazil), Cayubaban (Bolivia), Charruan (Uruguay), Chibchan (Columbia), Chiquitan (Bolivia), Chocoan (Columbia), Cholonan (Peru), Chonoan (Chile), Churoyan (Columbia), Cocnucan (Columbia), Corabecan (Bolivia), Cunan (Columbia), Curucunecan (Bolivia), Curuminacan (Bolivia), Enomagan (Paraguay), Goyatacan (Brazil), Guahiban (Columbia), Guraraunan (Venezuela), Guatoan (Bolivia-Brazil), Guaycuran (Argentina), Itenean (Bolivia), Itonaman (Bolivia), Itucalean (Peru), Jivaran (Ecuador), Laman (Peru), Lecan (Bolivia), Lorenzan (Peru), Lulean (Argentina), Mainan (Ecuador), Makuan (Brazil), Matacan (Argentina, Paraguay), Miranhan (Brazil), Mocoan (Columbia), Mosetenan (Bolivia), Moviman (Bolivia), Muran (Brazil), Ocoronan (Bolivia), Onan (Tierra del Fuego), Otomacan (Venezuela), Otuquian (Bolivia), Paniquitan (Columbia), Panoan (Peru), Peban (Peru, Ecuador), Piaroan (Columbia, Venezuela), Puelchean (Argentina), Puinavian (Columbia), Puquinan (Peru), Quichuan (Peru, Ecuador, &c.), Salivan (Venezuela), Samucan (Bolivia), Tacanan (Bolivia), Tapuyan (Brazil, Columbia), Ticunan (Brazil), Timotean (Venezuela), Tupían (Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia, &c.), Trumaian (Brazil), Tsonekan (Argentina), Uitotan (Brazil), Yaganan (Tierra del Fuego), Yaruran (Venezuela—Columbia), Yuncan (Peru), Yurucan (Bolivia), Zaparan (Ecuador).
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(8 vols, Berkeley, 1903-9); Univ. of Pennsylvania, Anthrop. Pubs., I (Philadelphia, 1909); Zeitschrift für Ethnologie (Berlin, 1868 —).UNITED STATES, BRITISH AMERICA, ETC.: Arctic, Alaska, British America:—Black, Arctic Land Expedition (1833-5) (London, 1836); H. H. Bancroft, Hist. of Alaska (San Francisco, 1886); Idem, Hist. of British Columbia (San Francisco, 1887); Boash, Salish Tribes of the Interior of Br. Columbia in Can. Arch. Rept. (Toronto, 1905); Idem, Indian Languages of Canada, ibid; Idem, Social Organization of the Kwakiutl in Rept. Nat. Mus. (Washington, 1897); Idem, The Central Eskimo in Sixth Rept. by Bu. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1888); Idem, Tribes of the North Pacific Coast in Can. Arch. Rept. (Toronto, 1905); Idem, Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians in Am. Mus. Mem. (New York, 1898); Idem, Kwakiutl Texts, in Am. Mus. Mem. (2 vols. New York, 1902); Idem, Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay in Am. Mus. Bull (New York, 1901); Indianische sagen von der nordpacifischen Küste (Berlin, 1895); Idem, Reports on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada in N. Br. Assn. Adv. Sci. (1989, 1898); Chamberlain, The Kootenai Indians in Rept. Br. Assn. Adv. Sci.; Crantz, Hist. of Greenland (Germany, 1765; tr., 2 vols., London, 1767); Dall, Alaska and its resources (Boston, 1879); Idem, Tribes of the Extreme Northwest in Contrib. N. Am. Ethn., 1 (Washington, 1887); Dawson, report on Queen Charlotte Islands in Geol. Survey Can. (Montreal, 1880). Franklin, Journey to the Polar Sea (1819-22) (London 18923—); Hall, Arctic Researches (1860-62) (New York, 1866); Hearne, Journey to the Northern Ocean (1769-72) (London, 1795 —); Henry, Travels in Canada (1760-76) (New York, 1809); Hill-Tout, Salish Tribes of British Columbia in Repts. Br. Assn. Adv. Sci.; Hind, Canadian Red River Expedition (1757-8) (2 vols., London, 1860); Idem, The Labrador Peninsula (2 vols., London, 1863); Indian Affairs in Ann. Repts. of the Dept. of Ottawa; Jesuit Relations (see United States, below); Kane, Wanderings of an Artist (London, 1859); Krause, Die Tlinkit Indianer (Jenn, 1885); Lafitau, Moeurs des sauvages amériquains (2 vols, Paris, 1724); Lord, Naturalist in Vancouver Island and Br. Col. (2 vols., London, 1866); Mackenzie, Voyages to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans (1789-93) (London, 1801); McLean, Twenty-five Years in the Hudson Bay Ter. (2 vols., London, 1842); Morice, The Western Dénés in Can. Inst. Trans. (Toronto, 1904); Idem, Hist. of Northern Interior of British Columbia (Toronto, 1904); Idem, The Great Déné Race in Anthropos, 1906-9; Murdoch, The Point Barrow Expedition (1881-3) in Ninth Rept. Bur. Am, Eth. (Washington, 1892); Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait in Eighteenth Rept. Bur. Am. Eth., I (Washington, 1901); Niblack, Coast Indians of Southern Alaska, etc. (Sm. Inst., Washington, 1890); Parkman (see below, U. S.); Parry, Second Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage (1821-3) (London, 1824); Pérouse, Voyage autour du Monde (1886-8) (4 vols., Paris, 1797; tr., 2 vols., London, 1799); Petitot, Tradition Indiennes du Canada Nord-Ouest (Paris, 1886); Idem, Monographie des Déné Dindjie (Paris, 1876); Idem, Quinze ans sous le cercle polaire (Paris, 1899); Petroff, Report on Alaska (Washington, 1884); Rasmussen, The People of the Polar North (London, Philadelphia, 1908); Richardson, Arctic Searching Expdn. (2 vols., London, 1851); Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo (London, 1875); Russell, Explorations in the Far North (Univ. of Iowa, Iowa City, 1898); Sprout, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life (London, 1868); Swanton, Haida Texts: Masset Dialect, Am. Mus. Mem. (New York, 1908); Idem, Haida Texts and Myths in Bull. Bu. Am. Eth (Washington, 1905); Idem, The Tlingit Indians in Twenty-sixth Rept. Bu. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1907); Teit, Thompson River Indians of Br. Columbia in Mem. Am. Mus. (New York, 1900); Turner, Ethnology of the Ungava District in Eleventh Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1894); Whymper, Travel in Alaska (London, 1868). United States.—Abbott, Primitive Industry (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1881); Adair, Hist. of the Am. Inds. (London, 1875); American State Papers: Class II, Indian Affairs (Washington, 1832); H. H. Bancroft, Histories: California (7 vols., San Francisco, 1886-90); Arizona and New Mexico (San Francisco, 1889); Utah (San Francisco, 1889); Nevada, Colorado, and Wyoming (San Francisco, 1890); Washington, Idaho, and Montana (San Francisco, 1890); Bandelier, Contributions to Hist. and Archeology of Southwestern U. S. (Hemenway Expdn.) (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1890); Barcia (Cardenas y Cano), Ensayo Chronológico (Madrid, 1723); Barrett, The Pomo and Neighbouring Indians (Univ. of Cal., Berkeley, 1908); Idem, Pomo Basketry (Berkeley, 1908); Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina (Philadelphia, 1791); Bassu, Nouveaux voyages dans l'Amérique Septentrionale (Paris, 1768; Paris and Amsterdam, 1778); Brinton, The Floridian Peninsula (Philadelphia, 1859); Cabeca de Vaca, Relación (Seville, 1542; tr. Smith, New York, 1871); Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of N. Am. (1766-8) (London, 1781); Catlin, N. Am. Indians (2 vols., London, 1841); Charlevoix, Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France (3 vols., Paris, 1874; tr., Shea, 6 vols., New York, 1866-70); Clark, The Indian Sign Language (Philadelphia, 1885); Colden, Hist. of the Five Indian Nations of N. Y. (New York, 1727; ed., Shea, New York, 1866); Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River (2 vols., London, 1831); Curtis, The Indian's Book (New York, London, 1907); Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico (Doylestown, 1889); De Forest, Hist. of the Indians of Conn. (Hartford, 1852); Dickenson, God's Protecting Providence (Philadelphia, 1899); Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita (Carnegie Inst., Washington, 1904); Idem, The Cheyenne (2 pts., Field Mus., Chicago, 1905); Idem, Traditions of the Arikara (Washington, 1903); Idem, The Pawnee (2 vols., Carnegie Inst., Washington, 1903); Dorsey and Kroeber, Traditions of the Arapahoe (Field Mus., Chicago, 1903); Drake, Biog. and Hist. of the Indians of N. America (11th ed., Boston, 1857); Duflot de Mofras, Exploration de l'Orégon (Paris, 1844); Dumont, Mémoirs sur la Louisiane (2 vols., Paris, 1853); Fewkes in Journal of Am. Eth. and Arch. (Pueblo Hemenway Expdn.) (4 vols., Boston, 1891-94); Fletcher, Omaha Indian Music (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1893); Forbes, California, Upper and Lower (London, 1839); Friederici, Skalpieren und änliche Kriegsgebräuche (Brunswick, 1906); French, ed., Hist. Colls. of Louisiana (6 vols., New York, 1846-69); Galatin, Synopsis of Indian Tribes in Arch. Americana II (Cambridge, 1836); Garsilaso de la Vega, La Florida del Ynca (Lisbon, 1605; Madrid, 1723); Gatschet, The Karankawa Indians of Texas (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1891); Idem, Migration Legend of the Creek Indians (2 vols., Philadelphia, 1884; St. Louis, 1885); Idem, The Klamath Indians of Oregon, Contr. to N. Am. Eth. II (Washington, 1890); Idem, The Timacua Language, 3 pts. in Am. Philos. Soc. Proc. (Philadelphia, 1877-80); Gooken, Christian Indians of Massachusetts (1674) in Archæologia Americana, II (Cambridge, 1836); Hariot, Briefe and True Report (Va.) (Frankfurt, 1590; New York, 1871); Hawkins, Sketch of the Creek County (Savannah, 1848); Hayden, Indian Tribes of the Missouri Valley (Philadelphia, 1862); Beckwelder, Mission of the United Brethren (Philadelphia, 1820); Idem, Hist. Manners, and Customs of the Indians [of] Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1819); Hodge, Handbook of the Am. Inds., Bull. Bur. Am. Ethn. (2 vols., Washington, 1907-08); Holmes, Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans, Second Rept., Bur. Am. Ethn. (Washington, 1883); Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Rept., Bur. Am. Ethn. (Washington, 1886); Idem, Ancient Art of Chiriqui, Sixth Rept., etc. (1888); Idem, Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater, Fifteenth Rept., etc. (1897); Idem, Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States, Twentieth Rept., etc. (1903); Hrdlicka, Physiological and Medical Observations (Southwestern Inds.), Bull. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1908); Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs (Washington, 1824—); Irving, Conquest of Florida (New York, 1857); James, Narrative of the Captivity of James Tanner (New York, 1830); Jones, Antiquities of the Southern Indians (New York, 1873); Kapler, Indian Affairs; Laws and Treaties (2 vols., Washington, 1904); Kohl, Kitchi Gami (Ojibwa Inds.) (London, 1860); Kroeber, The Arapaho in Bull. Am. Mus. (New York, 1902-7); Idem, California Indian Papers in Univ. of California Pubs. (Berkeley, 1903-9); Lawson, Hist. of Carolina (London, 1714; Raleigh, 1860); Le Moyne, Narrative (Florida, 1564) (Latin ed., Frankfurt, 1591; tr. Boston, 1875); Le Page du Pratz, Hist. de la Louisiane (3 vols. Paris; tr., London, 1763 and 1774); Lewis and Clark, Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition (1804-06), ed. Thwaites (8 vols., New York, 1904-5), the latest and most complete of many editions; Long, Expdn. to the Rocky Mts. (1819-20) (3 vols., London, 1823); Loudon, Narratives (Indian Captivities etc.) (2 vols., Carlisle, 1808-11); McCoy, Baptist Indian Missions (Washington and New York, 1840); McKenney and Hall, Hist. of the Indian Tribes (coloured portraits) (3 vols., Philadelphia, 1837); Mallory, Pictographs of the North Am. Inds. in Fourth Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1886); Margry, Décourvertes et établissments des Français (6 vols. Paris, 1879-86); Matthews, Hidatsa Indians (Washington, 1877); Idem, The Night Chant in Am. Mus. Mem. (New York, 1902); Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Colls. (40 vols., Boston, 1792-1841); Maurault, Hist. des Abenakis (Quebec, 1866); Maximilian, Prince of Wied, Travels in the Interior of N. America (2 vols., Coblenz, 1839-41; tr. London, 1843); Mooney, The Souian Tribes of the East, Bull. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1894); Idem, Ghost Dance Religion in Fourteenth Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1896); Idem, Calendar Hist. of the Kiowa in Seventeenth Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1898); Idem, Myths of the Cherokee in Nineteenth Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1900); Moore, Archeological Explorations (southern coast), chiefly in Jour. Acad Nat. Sciences (Philadelphia, 1892-09); Morgan, League of the Hodenosaunce or Iroquois (Rochester, 1851); Idem, Systems of Consanguinity in Smithsonian Contr., XVIII (Washington, 1871); Moore, Report on Indian Affairs (New Haven, 1822); Docs. Relative to the Colonial Hist. of N. Y., O'Callaghan ed. (11 vols., Albany, 1856-61); Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac (Boston, 1866); Idem, Jesuits in North Am. (Boston, 1867); Idem, Discovery of the Great West (Boston, 1869); Idem, Count Frontenac and New France (Boston, 1878); Idem, Montcalm and Wolfe (2 vols., Boston, 1874); Idem, Half Century of Conflict (2 vols., Boston, 1872); Powers, Tribes of California in Contr. N. Am. Eth., III (Washington, 1902); Russell, The Pima Indian in Twenty-sixth Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1908); Ruttenbur, Indian Tribes of Hudson's River (Albany, 1872); Rye, Discovery and Conquest of Florida (tr., with notes of Elvas and Biedma narratives of De Soto expedition; Hakluyt Soc., London, 1851); Schoolcraft, Algic Researches (3 vols., New York, 1839); Idem, Notes on the Iroquois (Albany, 1847); Idem, Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes (Philadelphia, 1851); Idem, History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes (6 vols., Philadelphia, 1851-7); Shea, Disc. and Exploration of the Miss. Valley (New York, 1853); Idem, Hist. of Catholic [Indian] Missions of the U. S. (New York, 1855); Simpson, Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fe to the Navajo Country (Philadelphia, 1852); de Smet, Oregon Missions etc. (1845-46) (New York, 1847; Fr. tr., Paris, 1848); Idem, Western Missions and Missionaries (New York, 1863); B. Smith, Hernando de Soto; Elvas and Biedma Relations in Bradford Club Series No. 5 (New York, 1866); John Smith, Generall Historie of Virginia, etc. (London, 1624; Arber, ed., Birmingham, 1885); Col. J. Smith, Captivity with the Indians (1755-9) (Lexington, 1799); Squier and Davis, Ancient Monuments of Miss. Valley in Smithsonian Contrib. (Washington, 1848); Stevenson, The Zuñi Indians in Twenty-third Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1904); Strachey, Historie of Travaile into Viginia (c. 1612) (Hakluyt Soc., London, 1849); Swan, The Northwest Coast (New York, 1857); Thomas, Report on Mound Explorations in Twelfth Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1894); Thrushton, Antiquities of Tennessee (Cincinnati, 1890); Thwaites, see Jesuits, above; Treaties, see Kapler, above; Warren, Hist. of the Ojibways in Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls., V (St. Paul, 1885); White, Relatio Itineris in Marilandiam (1635-8) (Latin and English, Maryland Hist. Soc, Baltimore, 1874); Williams, Key into the Language of America (London, 1643) in Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Colls. I (Providence, 1829); Wisconsin Hist. Soc. Colls. (15 vols., Madison, 1855-1900); Yarrow, Mortuary Customs of the Nor. Am. Inds. in First Rept. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1881).MEXICO, CENTRAL AMERICA, AND WEST INDIANS: Alegre, Historia de la Compagñía de Jesús en Nueva Hispaña (3 vols., Mexico, 1841); Bäger, Nachrichten von der amerikanischen Halbinsel Californien (Mannheim, 1773; tr., incomplete, Rau, Aborigines of Lower California in Rept. Smithson. Instn. (Washington, 1863); H. H. Bancroft, Hist. of Mexico (6 vols., San Francisco, 1886-88); Idem, Hist. of the N. Mexican States and Texas (2 vols., San Francisco, 1886-89); Idem, Hist. of Central America (3 vols., San Francisco, 1886-87); Bandelier, Art of War of the Ancient Mexicans (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1877); Idem, Distribution of Lands and Customs of Inheritance (Mexico) (Cambridge, 1878); Idem, Social Organization of the Ancient Mexicans (Cambridge, 1879); Bard (Squier), Waikna: the Mosquito Shore (New York, 1855); Botturini, Nueva Historia General de la Am. Septentrional (Madrid, 1746); Idem, Idea de una nueva hist. general de la América Septentrional (Aztec hieroglyphics and bibliography) (Madrid, 1746); Bowditch, tr. and ed., Mexican and Central Am. Antiquities (from German of Seller, Förstemann, Schellhas, Sapper, and Dieseldorff in Bul. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1904); Brasseur de Bourbourg, Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique Centrale (pre-Columbian) (4 vols., Paris, 1857); Idem, Coll. des documents dans les langues indigènes (Mexico, Central America, and Haiti, with Popol Vuh of Quiches (vols. Paris, 1861-68); Carrillo y Ancona, Historia antigua de Yucatan (1868, 2nd ed., Mérida, 1883); Clavigero, Historia antica del Messico (Cesena, 1780), tr. Cullen, Hist. of Mexico (2 vols., London, 1787); Idem, Storia della California (2 vols., Venice, 1789, tr. Spanish, Mexico, 1852); Dupaix, Antiquités Mexicaines (2 vols., Paris, 1834); Engelhart, Franciscans in California (Harbor Springs, Mich., 1897); Fancourt, Hist. of Yucatan, (London, 1854); Fewkes, Aborigines of Porto Rico, in Twenty-fifth Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1907); Idem, Antiquities of Eastern Mexico, ibid; Fürstemann, Commentary on the Dresden Maya MS. (Or. Ger., Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1906); see also Bowditch; Gomara, Historia general de las indias (Saragossa, 1554); Idem, Hist. de las Conquistas de Hernando Cortés (reprint) (2 vols., Mexico, 1826); Hartman, Archæological Researches in Costa Rica (Carnegie Mus., Pittsburgh, 1907); Holmes, Archæological Studies among the Ancient Cities of Mexico (Field Mus., 2 rpts., Chicago, 1895-97); Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleras (Paris, 1810); tr. Researches Concerning the Ancient Inhabitants of Am. (2 vols., London, 1814); Ixtlilxochitl, Historie des Chichmèques (tr. from Sp. MS, 2 vols., Paris, 1840; also, Sp. in Kingsborough, IX; Fr. in Ternaux-Compans series); Kingsborough, Antiquities of Mexico (9 vols., London, 1841-48); Leon, Los Tarascos, (3 pts, Mexico, 1901-6); and many papers, chiefly in the Anales del Museo Nacional; Lumholz, Symbolism of the Huichol Inds. in Am. Mus. Mem. (New York, 1900); Idem, Unknown Mexico (New York, 2 vols., 1902); Maler, The Usumasintla Valley in Peabody Mus. Memoirs, II and IV (Cambridge, 1901-03-08); Martyr, Hist. of the West Indies (orig. Sp. ed., 1504-30; tr. London, 1597); Mayer, Mexico: Aztec, Spanish, and Republican (Hartford, 1853); Mota Padilla, Conquista de la nueva Galicia (Mexico, 1870); North, The Mother of California (San Francisco, New York, 1908); Nuttall, Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civilization (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1901); Idem, Codex Nuttall (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1902); Idem, Book of Life of the Ancient Mexicans (2 vols., Univ. of Cal., Berkeley, 1903-09); Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta etnográfica de México (Mexico, 1864); Pentel, Lenguas Indigenas de México (2 vols., México, 1862-65; 3 vols., 1874-75); Prescott, Hist. of the Conquest of Mexico (3 vols., New York and London, 1843); Ribas, Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fé (Madrid, 1645); Sahagun, Historia General de Nueva Hispaña (1529-1590) (3 vols., Mexico, 1829); Seler, Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerikanischen Sprach- und Alterthums Lunde (Berlin, 1902); Idem, Reisebriefe aus Mexiko (Berlin, 1889); Idem, Auf alter Wegen in Mexiko und Guatemala (Berlin, 1900); Idem, Codex Feyervary (Berlin, 1901; tr., Berlin, 1901-02); Idem, Codex Vaticanus (2 vols., Berlin, 1902); Squier, Central America (2 vols., New York, 1853); Idem, Nicaragua (New York, 1852); Idem, Original Documents and Relations (Guatemala, etc.) (New York, 1860); Stephen, Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan (2 vols., New York, 1841, 25 eds.); Idem, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan (New York, 1843); Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, Relations, et Mémoirs originaux etc. (20 vols., Paris, 1837-40); Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana etc. (3 vols., Madrid, 1613; Barcia, ed., 3 vols., Madrid, 1823); Venegas, Noticia de la California (3 vols., Madrid, 1757; tr. 2 vols., London, 1759); Villagutierra, Soto-Major, Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza (Madrid, 1701); Villa Señor y Sanchez, Theatro Americano (2 vols., Mexico, 1746; Madrid, 1748); Ximenez, Origen de los Indios (Guatemala) (Scherier ed., Vienna, 1857); Young, Residence on the Mosquito Shore (1839-41) (London, 1842). See also United States and South America.SOUTH AMERICA: Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville, 1590; tr. London, 1604); Idem, De natura Novi Orbis (Salamanca, 1588-89); Acuna, Nueva descrubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazonas (Madrid, 1641); tr., Voyages and Discoveries in South America (London, 1698), also in Hakluyt Soc. Reps. (1859); Ambrosetti, Exploraciones Arqueológicos (Calchaquis) (Univ. of Buenos Aires, 1906-08); Azara, Voyages dans l'Amérique Méridionale (1781-1801) (4 vols., Paris, 1809); Barrére, Nouv. relation de la France Equinoxiale (Guiana) (Paris, 1743); Bates, Naturalist on the Amazon (London, 1863); Benzoni, Historia del mondo nuovo (Venice, 1565, tr. Hakluyt Soc., London, 1857); Bollaert, Antiquarian, Ethnological, and Other Researches (Andes Region) (London, 1860); Boman, Antiquités de la région Andine (2 vols., Paris, 1908); Bourbe, Captive in Patagonia (Boston, 1858); Boygiani, I Caduvei (Mbayá, or Guaycuru) (Rome, 1895); Brett, Indian tribes of Guiana (New York, 1852); Castelnau, Expédition dans l'Amérique du Sud (1843-7) (Paris, 1852); Chamberlain, South American linguistic Stocks in Proc. Congress of Americanists (Quebec, 1907); Charlevoix, Historie du Paraguay (3 vols., Paris, 1756; tr. 2 vols., London, 1769); Chervin, Anthropologie Bolivienne: Sénéchal et La Grande Mission Scientifique (Paris, 1907-08); Chile, Colleción de Documentos Inéditos (Santiago, 1899); Cieza, Historia de Perú (Seville, 1553), tr., Travels through the Mighty Kingdom of Peru (London, 1709); Columbia: Geographical Account of that Country (2 vols., London, 1822); Dobrizhoffer (published in Latin, Vienna, 1784), tr., Account of the Abipones (London, 1882); Ehrenreich, Anthropolog. Studien (Brazil) (Brunswick, 1897); Forbes, Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru in Eth. Soc. Journal, N. S. II (London, 1870); Garsilaso de la Vega, Commentarios reales de la origen de las Incas (Lisbon, 1609; Madrid, 1723) tr. Hakluyt Soc. (2 vols., London, 1869); Idem, Historia general del Perú (Cordova, 1617; Madrid, 1722); tr. of both, Royal Commentaries of Peru (London, 1688); Graham, A vanished Arcadia (Paraguay missions) (London, 1901); T. Guevara, Psicologia del pueblo Araucano (Santiago, 1908); Idem, Historia de la civilización de Araucania (Santiago, 1900); J. Guevara, Historia del Paraguay, Rio de la Plata y Tucuman (Buenos Aires, 1836); Gumilla, Historia Natural de la Naciones del Rio Oronoco (2 vols, Barcelona, 1741, tr., Fr. 3 vols., Avignon, 1758); Helps, The Spanish Conquest in America (4 vols., London, 1861); Herdon, Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon (2 vols. and maps, Washington, 1854); Herrara, Historia General de las Hechos de los Costellanos, (4 vols, Madrid, 1601, 1720; tr., Fr., 3 vols., Paris, 1671; mutilated tr. 6 vols., London, 1740); Humboldt and Bonpland, Personal Narratives of Travel to the Equinoctial Regions (1799-1804) (tr. 8 vols., London, 1818; Bohn Library, 3 vols., London, 1852-3); Las Casas, Brevissima relación de la destruyción de las Indias (Seville, 1552), tr., Relation of the First Voyages (London, 1699); tr., Latin, Italian, German, Dutch; tr. French in Oeuvres (Paris, 1810); de Lery, Voyage en la Terre du Brésil (3rd. ed., Paris, 1585); Lozaro, Historia de la Comp. de Jesús en Paraguay (2 vols., Madrid, 1554-5); Magalhanes de Gondaro. Historie de la Province de Santa Cruz (i.e., Brazil) (Lisbon, 1572; tr. Fr., Paris, 1637); Marcoy, Voyage á travers l'Amérique du Sud (2 vols., Paris, 1869) (fine engravings); Markham, Cuzco: A Journey to the Ancient Capital of Peru (London, 1856); Idem, Grammar and Dictionary of Quicha (Peru) (London, 1864); Idem, Travels in Peru and India (1862); Idem, Ollanta, An Ancient Ynca Drama (London, 1871); Idem, List of Tribes in the Valley of the Amazon in Journ. Anth. Inst. XXIV (London, 1895); Medina, Los Aborigines de Chile (Santiago, 1882); Modina, Geographical, Natural, and Civil History of Chili (Bologna, 1782, also Spanish and German tr.; tr. 2 vols., Middletown, 1808); Montoya, Conquista espiritual del Paraguay (Lima?, 1639); Muratori, Relations of the Missions of Paraguay, tr. (London, 1759); d'Obbigny, L'Homme Américain de l'Amérique Méridinale (3 vols., Paris, 1839); Ortega, Apostol. afanes de la Compañia de Jesús (Barcelona, 1754); Orton, The Andes and the Amazon (1870); Outes, Estudios etnográficos (Querndi, etc.) (Buenos Aires, 1894-8); Marcano, Ethnographie précolumbienne du Venezuela; Page, La Plata, the Argentine Confederation, and Paraguay (New York, 1859); Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru (2 vols., London, 1847); Raleigh, Discovery of Guiana (original ed., 1596; London, Hakluyt Society, 1848); Reclus, The Earth and Its Inhabitants: South America tr. Keane (2 vols., New York, 1894-5); Rivet, Les Indiens Jibaros in L'Anthropologie (Paris, 1907, 1908); Riviero and Tschudi, Antiquedades Peruanas (Vienna, 1851), tr. Hawkes (New York, 1853); Saville, Antiquites of Manabi, Ecuador (Heye Expdn.) (New York, 1907); Seymour, Pioneering in the Pampas (London, 1869); Simon, Expedition in Search of El Dorado and Omagua in 1560-61, tr. (Hakluyt Soc., London, 1861); Smith, The Araucanians (New York, 1855); Smyth, Journey from London to Peru (London, 1836); Spix and Martius, Reise nach Brasilien (1817-20) (3 vols., Munich, 1824-31), tr. Travels in Brazil (London, 1824); Squier, Peru: Explorations in the Land of the Incas (New York, 1877); Staden, Veritable Historie (Brazilian Indians) (Paris, 1837), tr. from German (Marburg, 1557); von der Steinen, Durch Central Brasilien (1884) (Leipzig, 1886); Idem, Unter dem Naturvölker Zentral Brasiliens (1887-8) (Berlin, 1894); Suárez, Historia General del Ecuador (9 vols., Quito, 1890-1903); Tschudi, Peru: Reiseskizzen (1838-42) (2 vols., St. Gall, 1844), tr. Travels in Peru (London, 1847; New York, 1865); Ternaux-Compans, see under Mexico; im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (1883); Uhle, Kultur und Industrie südamerikanischer Volker (1889); Idem, Explorations in Peru (archæology) (Univ. of Cal., Berkeley); Uhle and Stubel, Ruinstätte von Tuihuanaco, Peru (Breslau, 1892); Ulloa, Noticias Americanas (Madrid, 1747, 1772, 1792); tr. Fr., Mémoires philosophiques (2 vols, Paris, 1878); Uricochea, Antiquedades Neo-granadinas (Berlin, 1854); Wallace, Travels on the Amazon and the Rio Negro (London, 1853); de Zarate, Hist de la découverts et de la Conquête de Pérou (2 vols, Paris, 1716, 1830), from the Spanish (Antwerp, 1555), tr. (London, 1581). See also above: Mexico; central America; and the West Indies.
About this pageAPA citation. Mooney, J. (1910). American Indians. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07747a.htmMLA citation. Mooney, James. "American Indians." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 7. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1910.
Origem e antiguidade
Origin and antiquity
Várias origens foram atribuídas à raça indígena—vindas da Europa e do Oriente, através da Groenândia ou da mítica terra da Atlântida; da Ásia, pelo estreito de Bering e pelas ilhas polinésias, tem mais defensores, além de mais razões a seu favor. O fato de que aventureiros japoneses e outros asiáticos frequentemente desembarcaram na costa noroeste do Pacífico da América é uma questão de história, e a tradição tribal e outras evidências indicam que tal contato era tão frequente em tempos pré-históricos, mas se tudo isso foi suficiente para causar uma impressão permanente sobre a fisiologia e a cultura, sem mencionar para justificar uma raça, é uma questão em aberto. Durante alguns anos, esse problema tem sido objeto de investigação sistemática pelo Museu Americano da Cidade de Nova York, com a promessa de resultados importantes. Até onde se sabe atualmente, a única migração permanente tem ocorrido na direção oposta, com uma tribo esquimó no Alasca tendo estabelecido residência permanente na Sibéria dentro do período histórico.
Various origins have been assigned to the Indian race—from Europe and the East, by way of Greenland or the mythic land of Atlantis; from Asia, by way of the Bering Straits and the Polynesian Islands, has more advocates, and also more reasons in its favour. The fact that Japanese and other Asiatic adventurers have frequently landed upon the North Pacific coast of America is a matter of history, and tribal tradition and other evidence indicate that such contact was as frequent in prehistoric times, but whether all this has been sufficient to make permanent impression upon the physique and culture, let alone to account for a race, is an open question. For some years this problems has been under systematic investigation by the American Museum of New York City, with promise of important results. As far as at present known, the only permanent migration has been in the opposite direction, an Eskimo tribe in Alaska having taken up permanent residence in Siberia within the historic period.
A teoria da origem autóctone está geralmente, embora não necessariamente, conectada à de extrema antiguidade, com vários escritores reivindicando para os índios, assim como para os primitivos homens das cavernas da Europa inicial, uma existência contemporânea com o período glacial. Embora essa teoria tenha muitos defensores eruditos, que baseiam sua opinião em descobertas isoladas como as das areias de Trenton, o "crânio de Calaveras" e o "homem de Lansing", o consenso da opinião científica é que as evidências quanto à colocação original dessas descobertas em camadas não perturbadas não são suficientes para estabelecer a reivindicação. Em relação a montes de conchas e outros depósitos em massa, as estimativas mais altas de idade não os colocam em mais de alguns mil anos, e Dall, nossa melhor autoridade sobre o Alasca, não permite que os médiuns mais antigos das Ilhas Aleutianas tenham mais de três mil anos. As nações mais civilizadas, como os maias, os totonacas, os musycas e os quíchuas, provavelmente tiveram sua origem, como tais, dentro de mil anos, ou dentro de quinhentos anos da descoberta. Sem voltar a períodos geológicos, no entanto, a similaridade prática do tipo físico em ambos os continentes implica uma longa ocupação.
The theory of autochthonous origin is usually, though not necessarily, connected with that of extreme antiquity, several writers claiming for the Indian, as for the primitive cave men of early Europe, an existence contemporaneous with the glacial period. While this theory has many learned advocates, basing their opinion on such isolated finds as those of the Trenton gravels, the "Calaveras skull", and the "Lansing man", the consensus of scientific opinion is that evidence as to the original placement of these finds in undisturbed strata is not sufficient to establish the claim. With regards to shell heaps and other deposits in mass, the highest estimates of age do not give them more than a few thousand years, and Dall, our best authority on Alaska, allows the oldest middens on the Aleutian Islands no more than three thousand. The more civilized nations, such as the Maya, the Totonac, the Musyca, and the Quichua, all probably had their origin, as such, within a thousand years, or within five hundred years of the discovery. Without going back to geologic periods, however, the practical similarity of physical type over both continents implies long occupancy.
As várias reivindicações de origem judaica, fenícia, irlandesa ou galesa não têm fundamento provável, embora a primeira, especialmente, tenha encontrado defensores por quase três séculos e tenha até fornecido o motivo para o Livro de Mórmon. Os numerosos montes e outras obras de terra espalhados pelo leste dos Estados Unidos, juntamente com as ruínas em penhascos e outras ruínas de casas no Sudoeste, também deram oportunidade para muito especulação e teorização sobre a existência anterior nessas regiões de nações altamente civilizadas que agora estão extintas. A análise científica, no entanto, mostra que as ruínas e obras de terra são de caráter arquitetônico rudimentar, sendo rudes na construção, e imprecisas e não simétricas nas medidas dimensionais, enquanto os vários artefatos encontrados dentro delas são quase idênticos àqueles ainda em uso por tribos não civilizadas. As ruínas de casas mais importantes são historicamente ou tradicionalmente conhecidas por terem sido construídas e ocupadas por ancestrais dos Pueblo, Pima e outras tribos que ainda habitam a mesma região. Alguns dos montes da seção oriental também são conhecidos por terem sido usados como fundações de "casas de tribo" no período histórico, mas a maioria das maiores obras de terra, como as de Cahokia em Illinois, de Etowah na Geórgia, o Monte Serpente e as obras de Newark em Ohio, são mais antigas e provavelmente se originaram de tribos mais populosas que depois se mudaram para regiões mais ao sul. Os astecas, de acordo com a tradição tribal definida, chegaram ao vale do México do longínquo norte, e evidências linguísticas estabeleceram sua conexão com a grande família linguística shoshoniana, cujas tribos se estendem quase continuamente ao longo da espinha dorsal do continente, do rio Columbia até o istmo do Panamá. Da mesma forma, os apache e navajo da fronteira com o México são conhecidos por terem emigrado das costas congeladas do Yukon e Mackenzie. Assim como na Europa e na Ásia, o movimento geral foi de norte a sul, mas as tribos algonquinas (Ojibwa, etc.) e sioux (Sioux, etc.) se moveram para o oeste a partir da costa atlântica, enquanto os muskhogean dos estados do Golfo tinham sua casa anterior a oeste do Mississippi. Uma grande família sul-americana — a arawakan —, após ocupar as Antilhas, completou a cadeia de conexão ao plantar uma colônia na Flórida.
The various claims for Jewish, Phoenician, Irish, or Welsh origin have no provable foundation, although the first especially has found advocates for nearly three centuries and has even furnished the motive for the Book of Mormon. The numerous mounds and other earthworks scattered over the eastern United States, with the cliff-ruins and other house ruins in the South-West, have also given opportunity for much speculation and theorizing as to the former existence in these regions of former highly civilized nations now extinct. Scientific examination, however, shows that the ruins and earthworks are of the most rudimentary architectural character, being rude in construction, and inexact and unsymmetrical in dimensional measurements, while the various artifacts found within them are almost identical with those still in use by the uncivilized tribes. The more important house ruins are historically or traditionally known to have been built and occupied by ancestors of the Pueblo, Pima, and other tribes still inhabiting the same region. Some of the mounds of the eastern section are also known to have been in use as foundations of tribal "townhouses" within the historic period, but the majority of the larger earthworks, as those of Cahokia in Illinois, of Etowah in Georgia, the Serpent Mound and Newark earthworks in Ohio, are more ancient, and probably originated with more populous tribes with afterwards moved down into more southern regions. The Aztec themselves, according to definite tribal tradition, reached the valley of Mexico from the far North, and linguistic evidence established their connection with the great Shoshonian linguistic stock whose tribes extend almost continuously along the backbone of the continent from the Columbia River to the Isthmus of Panama. In the same way the Apache and Navajo of the Mexico border are known to have emigrated from the frozen shores of the Yukon and Mackenzie. As in Europe and Asia, the general movement was from north to south, but the Algonkian (Ojibwa, etc.) and Siouan (Sioux, etc.) tribes moved westward from the Atlantic seaboard, while the Muskhogean of the Gulf states had their earlier home west of the Mississippi. One great South American stock—the Arawakan—after occupying the Antilles, completed the chain of connection by planting a colony in Florida.
Línguas
Languages
Um dos fatos notáveis na etnologia americana é a grande diversidade de línguas. O número de línguas e dialetos bem marcados pode ter alcançado mil, constituindo cerca de 150 estoques linguísticos separados, cada estoque tão distinto de todos os outros quanto as línguas arianas são distintas das turânicas ou bantus. Desses estoques, aproximadamente setenta estavam no continente norte, e oitenta no continente sul. Todos estavam em um estágio primitivo de desenvolvimento, caracterizado por uma exatidão minuciosa de descrição com quase total ausência de uma ampla classificação. Assim, o Cherokee, vivendo em um país abundante em frutas silvestres, não tinha palavra para uva, mas possuía em vez disso um termo descritivo distinto para cada uma das três variedades com as quais estava familiarizado. Da mesma forma, ele não poderia simplesmente dizer "Estou aqui", mas devia qualificar a condição como em pé, sentado, etc.
One of the remarkable facts in American ethnology is the great diversity of languages. The number of languages and well-marked dialects may well have reached one thousand, constituting some 150 separate linguistic stocks, each stock as distinct from all the others as the Aryan languages are distinct from the Turanian or the Bantu. Of these stocks, approximately seventy were in the northern, and eighty in the southern continent. They were all in nearly the same primitive stage of development, characterized by minute exactness of description with almost entire absence of broad classification. Thus the Cherokee, living in a country abounding in wild fruits, had no word for grape, but had instead a distinct descriptive term for each of the three varieties with which he was acquainted. In the same way, he could not simply say "I am here", but must qualify the condition as standing, sitting, etc.
A primeira tentativa de classificação das línguas indígenas dos Estados Unidos e da América Britânica foi feita por Albert Gallatin em 1836. O início da investigação sistemática data do estabelecimento do Bureau of American Ethnology sob o comando do Major J.W. Powell em 1879. Para as línguas do México e da América Central, a base é a "Geografía" de Orozco y Berra, de 1864, complementada pelo trabalho posterior de Brinton em sua obra "American Race" (1891), e corrigida e atualizada com os mais recentes resultados no mapa linguístico por Thomas e Swanton, que agora está em preparação pelo Bureau of Ethnology. Para a América do Sul, temos o "Catálogo" de Hervas (1784), que cobre também todo o campo das línguas ao redor do mundo; o trabalho de Brinton já mencionado, que contém o resumo de todas as conhecidas até aquele momento, e o resumo abrangente de Chamberlain, publicado em 1907.
The earliest attempt at a classification of the Indian languages of the United States and British America was made by Albert Gallatin in 1836. The beginning of systematic investigation dates from the establishment of the Bureau of American Ethnology under Major J.W. Powell in 1879. For the languages of Mexico and Central America, the basis is the "Geografía" of Orozco y Berra, of 1864, supplemented by the later work of Brinton, in his "American Race" (1891), and corrected and brought up to the latest results in the linguistic map by Thomas and Swanton now in preparation by the Bureau of Ethnology. For South America, we have the "Catálogo" of Hervas (1784), which covers also the whole field of languages throughout the world; Brinton's work just noted, containing the summary of all known up to that time, and Chamberlain's comprehensive summary, published in 1907.
Para facilitar a comunicação intertribal, frequentemente encontramos as línguas das tribos mais importantes utilizadas por tribos menores ao longo da mesma região, como o Comanche nas planícies do sul e o Navajo (Apache) no Sul-Oeste. Da mesma necessidade se desenvolveram certos jargões comerciais notáveis, baseados em alguma língua dominante, com incorporações de muitas outras, incluindo europeias, todas suavizadas e assimiladas a um padrão comum. Entre estes, destacam-se o "Mobilian" dos estados do Golfo, baseado no Choctaw; o "jargão Chinook" da Colúmbia e territórios adjacentes da costa do Pacífico, um notável conglomerado baseado na extinta língua Chinook; e o lingoa geral do Brasil e da região do Paraná, baseado no Tupí-Guaraní. A isto deve-se acrescentar a notável "linguagem de sinais" das planícies, um código gestual que atendia todos os propósitos da comunicação intertribal ordinária do Canadá ao Rio Grande.
To facilitate intertribal communication, we frequently find the languages of the more important tribes utilized by smaller tribes throughout the same region, as Comanche in the southern plains and Navajo (Apache) in the South-West. From the same necessity have developed certain notable trade jargons, based upon some dominant language, with incorporations from many others, including European, all smoothed down and assimilated to a common standard. Chief among these were the "Mobilian" of the Gulf states based upon Choctaw; the "Chinook jargon" of the Columbia and adjacent territories of the Pacific coast, a remarkable conglomerate based upon the extinct Chinook language; and the lingoa geral of Brazil and the Paraná region, based upon Tupí-Guaraní. To these must be added the noted "sign language" of the plains, a gesture code, which answered every purpose of ordinary intertribal intercourse from Canada to the Rio Grande.
Estados Unidos, América Britânica, etc.
United States, British America, etc.
Casas
Houses
No norte dos Estados Unidos, havia cerca de vinte tipos bem definidos de habitações nativas, variando desde o simples abrigo de galhos até o pueblo de cinco andares. No leste dos Estados Unidos e em partes adjacentes do Canadá, o tipo predominante era aquele comumente conhecido pelo nome algonquino de wigwam, com forma de topo de carroça, com lados e extremidades perpendiculares e telhado arredondado, construído com postes robustos fincados no chão e cobertos com casca ou com esteiras tecidas de gramíneas ou juncos. As entradas em cada extremidade também serviam como janelas, e aberturas no telhado permitiam que a fumaça escapasse. Nem mesmo a arquitetura dos pueblos havia evoluído para incluir chaminés. Em geral, as casas eram comunitárias, com várias famílias intimamente relacionadas ocupando a mesma habitação. As casas dos Iroquois às vezes tinham cem pés de comprimento, divididas em compartimentos de cerca de dez pés quadrados, abrindo-se para um corredor central ao longo do qual os lareiras eram dispostas, com duas famílias ocupando compartimentos opostos em uma mesma lareira. Plataformas elevadas ao redor dos lados da sala eram cobertas com peles e serviam tanto como assentos quanto como camas. As casas de um assentamento geralmente eram espalhadas de forma irregular, de acordo com a conveniência do proprietário, mas em alguns casos, especialmente em fronteiras tribais disputadas, eram dispostas compactamente em ruas regulares, cercadas por fortes paliçadas. Os fortes dos Iroquois tinham plataformas correndo ao redor do interior, perto do topo, de onde os defensores podiam atirar mais facilmente sobre o inimigo. Nos estados do Golfo, cada assentamento importante tinha sua "casa da cidade", uma grande estrutura circular, com telhado cônico, construída de toras, e dedicada a conselhos e cerimônias tribais. O tipi (o nome sioux para casa) ou casa-tenda cônica da região dos lagos superiores e das planícies era feito de postes fincados suavemente no chão, amarrados juntos perto do topo, e cobertos com casca ou esteiras na região dos lagos, e com peles de búfalo tratadas nas planícies. Era facilmente portátil, e duas mulheres podiam montá-lo ou desmontá-lo em uma hora. Em ocasiões cerimoniais, o acampamento do tipi era disposto em um grande círculo, com o "templo medicinal" cerimonial no centro. Os Pawnee, Mandan e outras tribos ao longo do Missouri construíram estruturas circulares sólidas de toras, cobertas de terra, capazes por vezes de abrigar uma dúzia de famílias. Os Wichita e outras tribos da fronteira do Texas construíram grandes casas circulares com telhados de palha sobre uma estrutura de postes. O hogan navaho era uma menor contraparte do "templo terrestre" dos Pawnee. A estrutura comunitária do pueblo da região do Rio Grande consistia em um número — às vezes centenas — de quartos de formato quadrado de vários tamanhos, feitos de pedra ou adobe assentado em argamassa de barro, com telhado plano, pátios e passagens intrincadas, sugerindo elementos orientais. O wikiup piute de Nevada estava apenas um grau acima do abrigo de galhos dos Apaches. A Califórnia, com sua longa extensão de norte a sul, e suas extremidades quentes nas planícies e cobertas de neve nas serras, tinha uma variedade de tipos, incluindo o semi-subterrâneo. Ao longo de toda a costa noroeste, do Columbia à fronteira com os esquimós, o tipo predominante era a estrutura retangular de tábuas, pintada com designs simbólicos, e com o grande totem esculpido com os brasões heráldicos do proprietário, elevando-se acima da entrada. No Yukon, encontramos a habitação subterrânea, enquanto os esquimós tinham tanto a casa subterrânea quanto o iglu em forma de cúpula, construído com blocos de neve endurecida. Além das habitações regulares, quase toda tribo tinha algum estilo de estrutura temporária, além de "casas de suor", pérgulas de verão, depósitos de provisões, etc.
In and north of the United States there were some twenty well-defined types of native dwellings, varying from the mere brush shelter to the five-storied pueblo. In the eastern United States and adjacent parts of Canada the prevailing type was that commonly known under the Algonkian name of wigwam, of wagon-top shape, with perpendicular sides and ends and rounded roof, and constructed of stout poles set in the ground and covered with bark or with mats woven of grass or rushes. Doorways at each end served also as windows, and openings in the roof allowed the smoke to escape. Not even pueblo architecture had evolved a chimney. In general the houses were communal, several closely related families occupying the same dwelling. The Iroquois houses were sometimes one hundred feet in length, divided into compartments about ten feet square, opening upon a central passageway along which were ranged the fires, two families occupying opposite compartments at the same fire. Raised platforms around the sides of the room were covered with skins and served both as seats and beds. The houses of a settlement were usually scattered irregularly, according to the convenience of the owner, but in some cases, especially on disputed tribal frontiers, they were set compactly together in regular streets, and surrounded by strong stockades. The Iroquois stockaded forts had platforms running around on the inside, near the top, from which the defenders could more easily shoot down upon the enemy. In the Gulf states, every important settlement had its "town-house", a great circular structure, with conical roof, built of logs, and devoted to councils and tribal ceremonials. The tipi (the Sioux name for house) or conical tent-dwelling of the upper lake and plains region was of poles set lightly in the ground, bound together near the top, and covered with bark or mats in the lake country, and with dressed buffalo skins on the plains. It was easily portable, and two women could set it up or take in down within an hour. On ceremonial occasions the tipi camp was arranged in a great circle, with the ceremonial "medicine lodge" in the centre. The semi-sedentary Pawnee Mandan, and other tribes along the Missouri built solid circular structures of logs, covered with earth, capable sometimes of housing a dozen families. The Wichita and other tribes of the Texas border built large circular houses of grass thatch laid over a framework of poles. The Navaho hogan, was a smaller counterpart of the Pawnee "earth lodge". The communal pueblo structure of the Rio Grande region consisted of a number—sometimes hundreds—of square-built rooms of various sizes, of stone or adobe laid in clay mortar, with flat roof, court-yards, and intricate passage ways, suggestive of oriental things. The Piute wikiup of Nevada was only one degree above the brush shelter of the Apache. California, with its long stretch from north to south, and its extremes from warm plain to snowclad sierra, had a variety of types, including the semi-subterranean. Along the whole northwest coast, from the Columbia to the Eskimo border, the prevailing type was the rectangular board structure, painted with symbolic designs, and with the great totem pole carved with the heraldic crests of the owner, towering above the doorway. On the Yukon we find the subterranean dwelling, while the Eskimo had both the subterranean house and the dome-shaped iglu, built of blocks of hardened snow. Besides the regular dwellings, almost every tribe had some style of temporary structure, besides "sweat houses", summer arbors, provision caches, etc.
Alimentação e sua obtenção
Food and its procurement
Nas regiões arborizadas dos estados orientais e do sul e nas porções adjacentes do Canadá, ao longo do Missouri e entre os Pueblos, Pima e outras tribos do sudoeste, a principal dependência era da agricultura, sendo os cultivos principais o milho, feijão e abóboras, além de um tabaco nativo. As tribos da Nova Inglaterra compreendiam o princípio da adubação, enquanto as do árido sudoeste construíam canais e praticavam a irrigação. Ao longo de toda a costa oceânica, na região dos lagos e no Columbia, a pesca era uma importante fonte de subsistência. Ao longo da costa do Atlântico sul, elaborados diques eram utilizados, mas em outros lugares o anzol e a linha, a rede ou o arpão eram mais comuns. Mariscos e ostras eram consumidos em tais quantidades ao longo da costa atlântica que em alguns locais favoráveis de coleta, conchas vazias eram empilhadas em montes de três metros de altura. Desde a Califórnia central até o norte, ao longo de toda a costa oeste, o salmão era a principal fonte de alimento e, no Columbia, quase toda a dependência alimentar. As tribos da costa noroeste, assim como os esquimós, eram destemidos caçadores de baleias. Em toda parte, a caça, é claro, era um fator importante no suprimento de alimentos, particularmente os cervos na região arborizada e os búfalos nas planícies. As tribos nômades das planícies, de fato, viviam dos búfalos, que, de uma forma ou de outra, lhes forneciam alimentos, roupas, abrigo, utensílios domésticos e combustível.
In the timbered regions of the eastern and southern states and the adjacent portions of Canada, along the Missouri and among the Pueblos, Pima, and other tribes of the south-west, the chief dependence was upon agriculture, the principal crops being corn, beans, and squashes, besides a native tobacco. The New England tribes understood the principal of manuring, while those of the arid southwest built canals and practiced irrigation. Along the whole ocean-coast, in the lake region and on the Columbia, fishing was an important source of subsistence. On the south Atlantic seaboard elaborate weirs were in use, but elsewhere the hook and line, the seine or the harpoon, were more common. Clams and oysters were consumed in such quantities along the Atlantic coast that in some favourable gathering-places empty shells were piled into mounds ten feet high. From central California northward along the whole west coast, the salmon was the principle, and on the Columbia, almost the entire, food dependence. The northwest-coast tribes, as well as the Eskimo, were fearless whalers. Everywhere the wild game, of course, was an important factor in the food supply, particularly the deer in the timber region and the buffalo on the plains. The nomad tribes of the plains, in fact, lived by the buffalo, which, in one way or another, furnished them with food, clothing, shelter, household equipment, and fuel.
Nesse contexto, havia muitos tabus tribais e pessoais curiosos, fundados em tradições de clãs, sonhos ou outras razões religiosas. Assim, os Navajo e os Apache, tão longe de comer a carne de um urso, recusam até mesmo tocar na pele de um, acreditando que o urso possui parentesco humano. Por uma razão um tanto semelhante, algumas tribos das planícies e do árido Sudoeste evitam um peixe, enquanto consideram o cachorro uma iguaria.
In this connection there were many curious tribal and personal taboos founded upon clan traditions, dreams, or other religious reasons. Thus the Navajo and the Apache, so far from eating the meat of a bear, refuse even to touch the skin of one, believing the bear to be of human kinship. For a somewhat similar reason some tribes of the plains and the arid South-West avoid a fish, while considering the dog a delicacy.
Além dos alimentos básicos cultivados, nozes, raízes e frutas silvestres eram utilizados sempre que disponíveis. Os índios das Sierras alimentavam-se principalmente de bolotas e pinhões. Os que habitavam Oregon e a região do Columbia acumulavam grandes quantidades de camass e outras raízes, além de outras espécies de frutas. Os apaches e outras tribos do sudoeste coletavam o fruto do cacto e tostavam a raiz do maguey. As tribos da região dos grandes lagos faziam grande uso do arroz selvagem, enquanto aquelas do Vale do Ohio produziam açúcar a partir da seiva do bordo, e as do sul dos Estados Unidos extraíam um óleo nutritivo da noz de hickory. Pemmican e hominy são nomes indígenas, assim como são invenções indígenas, e o açúcar de bordo também é uma descoberta aborígene. Sal era utilizado por muitas tribos, especialmente nas planícies e no Sudoeste, mas nos estados do Golfo, a soda cáustica era usada em seu lugar. O canibalismo simplesmente por questão de alimentação dificilmente poderia ser dito existir, mas, como um ritual de guerra ou sacrifício após um triunfo selvagem, o costume era muito comum, especialmente na costa do Texas e entre as tribos iroquesas e algonquinas do leste. Os Tonkawa do Texas eram conhecidos por todos os seus vizinhos como os "comedores de homens". Aparentemente, o único intoxicante nativo era o tiswin, uma espécie de cerveja leve fermentada a partir de milho pelos apaches e tribos vizinhas.
Besides the cultivated staples, nuts, roots, and wild fruits were in use wherever procurable. The Indians of the Sierras lived largely upon acorns and piñons. Those of Oregon and the Columbia region gathered large stores of camass and other roots, in addition to other species of berries. The Apache and other south-western tribes gathered the cactus fruit and toasted the root of the maguey. The tribes of the upper lake region made great use of wild rice, while those of the Ohio Valley made sugar from the sap of the maple, and those of the southern states extracted a nourishing oil from the hickory nut. Pemmican and hominy are Indian names as well as Indian inventions, and maple sugar is also an aboriginal discovery. Salt was used by many tribes, especially on the plains and in the South-West, but in the Gulf states lye was used instead. Cannibalism simply for the sake of food could hardly be said to exist, but, as a war ceremony or sacrifice following a savage triumph, the custom was very general, particularly on the Texas coast and among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes of the east. The Tonkawa of Texas were know to all their neighbours as the "Man-Eaters". Apparently the only native intoxicant was tiswin, a sort of mild beer fermented from corn by the Apache and neighbouring tribes.
Animais domesticados
Domesticated animals
O cachorro foi praticamente o único animal domesticado antes da chegada dos brancos e era encontrado em quase todas as tribos, sendo utilizado como animal de carga durante o dia e como um constante sentinela à noite, enquanto, em algumas tribos, sua carne também era um prato favorito. Raramente, se é que alguma vez, foi treinado para caça. Águias e outras aves eram ocasionalmente mantidas por suas penas, e as crianças às vezes tinham outros animais de estimação além de filhotes. O cavalo, acreditando-se ter sido introduzido pelos espanhóis, rapidamente se tornou um fator tão importante na vida das tribos das planícies quanto o búfalo em si. Da mesma forma, as ovelhas e cabras, introduzidas pelos primeiros franciscanos, tornaram-se a principal fonte de riqueza dos Navajos, totalizando agora meio milhão de animais dos quais derivam uma renda anual de mais de um milhão de dólares.
The dog was practically the only domesticated animal before the advent of the whites and was found in nearly all tribes, being used as a beast of burden by day and as a constant sentinel by night, while with some tribes the flesh was also a favourite dish. He was seldom, if ever, trained to hunting. Eagles and other birds were occasionally kept for their feathers, and the children sometimes had other pets than puppies. The horse, believed to have been introduced by the Spaniards, speedily became as important a factor in the life of the plains tribes as the buffalo itself. In the same way the sheep and goats, introduced by the early Franciscans, have become the chief source of wealth to the Navajo, numbering now half a million animals from which they derive an annual income of over a million dollars.
Indústrias e Artes
Industries and arts
Na fabricação de instrumentos domésticos, armas, ornamentos, objetos cerimoniais, barcos, redes e armadilhas, na construção de casas e na confecção de cerâmicas e cestos, o índio demonstrou considerável engenhosidade no design e uma paciência infinita na execução. Na divisão do trabalho, a confecção de armas, os requisitos de caça e pesca, barcos, cachimbos e a maioria dos objetos cerimoniais eram atribuídos aos homens, enquanto as artes domésticas de cerâmica e confecção de cestos, tecelagem e preparação de peles, a confecção de roupas e a preparação e preservação de alimentos geralmente cabiam às mulheres. Entre as tribos sedentárias ou semi-sedentárias, a construção de casas pertencia habitualmente aos homens, embora às vezes as mulheres ajudassem. Nas planícies, toda a confecção e manutenção do tipi era responsabilidade das mulheres. Em muitas tribos, o homem cortava, costurava e decorava seu próprio traje de pele de veado, e em algumas das aldeias Pueblo os homens eram os tecelões de cestos.
In the fabrication of domestic instruments, weapons, ornaments, ceremonial objects, boats, seines, and traps, in house-building and in the making of pottery and baskets, the Indian showed considerable ingenuity in design and infinite patience of execution. In the division of labour, the making of weapons, hunting and fishing requirements, boats, pipes, and most ceremonial objects fell to the men, while the domestic arts of pottery and basket-making, weaving and dressing of skins, the fashioning of clothing and the preparation and preservation of food commonly devolved upon the women. Among the sedentary or semi-sedentary tribes house-building belonged usually to the men, although the women sometimes assisted. On the plains the entire making and keeping of the tipi were appointed to the women. In many tribes the man cut, sewed, and decorated his own buckskin suit, and in some of the Pueblo villages the men were the basket-weavers.
Enquanto a casa, em certas tribos, demonstrava considerável habilidade arquitetônica, seu principal propósito era sempre utilitário, e geralmente havia pouca tentativa de efeito decorativo, exceto nas tribos Haida, Tlingit e outras da costa noroeste, onde os grandes totens esculpidos e pintados, às vezes com sessenta pés de altura, montados em frente a cada habitação, eram uma característica marcante da paisagem da aldeia. As mesmas tribos eram notáveis por seus grandes canoas oceânicas, escavadas de um único tronco de cedro, elaboradamente esculpidas e pintadas, e às vezes grandes o suficiente para acomodar quarenta homens. O barco de pele ou kaiak dos esquimós era uma maravilha de leveza e flutuação, sendo praticamente insubmersível. A canoa de casca de bétula das tribos orientais era especialmente bem adaptada para a navegação fluvial. Nos estados do sul, encontramos a menor canoa de tronco escavado. Nas planícies, o barco era praticamente desconhecido, exceto pelo barco de pele em formato de banheira dos Mandan e tribos associadas do alto Missouri.
While the house, in certain tribes, evinced considerable architecture skill, its prime purpose was always utilitarian, and there was usually but little attempt at decorative effect, excepting the Haida, Tlingit, and others of the northwest coast, where the great carved and painted totem poles, sometimes sixty feet in height, set up in front of every dwelling, were a striking feature of the village picture. The same tribes were notable for their great sea-going canoes, hollowed out from a single cedar trunk, elaborately carved and painted, and sometimes large enough to accommodate forty men. The skin boat or kaiak of the Eskimo was a marvel of lightness and buoyancy, being practically unsinkable. The birch-bark canoe of the eastern tribes was especially well-adapted to its purposes of inland navigation. In the southern states we find the smaller "dug-out" log canoe. On the plains the boat was virtually unknown, except for the tub-shaped skin boat of the Mandan and associated tribes of the upper Missouri.
Os esquimós eram conhecidos por suas artísticas esculturas em ossos e marfim de morsa; os pueblos, por seu trabalho em estilo embutido com turquesa e suas esculturas em madeira, especialmente figuras mitológicas; e as tribos das costas atlântica e californiana, por sua arte em conchas. O wampum, ou contas de concha, feito principalmente das conchas de várias amélias encontradas ao longo da costa atlântica, tornou-se histórico, tendo sido amplamente utilizado não apenas para ornamentação de vestimentas, mas também em cintos de tratados, como tributo tribal e como uma medida de valor que servia ao propósito de moeda. O martelo ou clava de pedra comum, encontrado em quase todas as tribos, representava muito trabalho paciente, enquanto toda a habilidade do artista frequentemente se concentrava na pipa esculpida em pedra. As pipas de pedra negra dos Cherokee eram famosas nos estados do sul, e a pipa de pedra vermelha de catlinite, proveniente de uma única pedreira em Minnesota, era considerada sagrada e era fumada na ratificação de todos os compromissos tribais solenes por toda a região das planícies e dos lagos. Facas, lâminas de lanças e pontas de flechas eram geralmente de pedra, preferencialmente sílex ou obsidiana. Ao longo da costa do Golfo, facas de lâmina afiada feitas de canas divididas estavam em uso. Pilões e tigelas de milho eram geralmente de madeira na região de madeireiras e de pedra no país árido. Raspadores de pele eram feitos de osso e colheres de madeira ou chifre. O trabalho em metal era limitado principalmente à confecção de gorgets e outros ornamentos martelados de cobre nativo, encontrado nas montanhas dos Alleghenies do sul, ao redor do Lago Superior e ao longo do Rio Copper, no Alasca. A arte da fundição aparentava ser desconhecida. Sob o ensinamento franciscano e, posteriormente, mexicano, os Navajos desenvolveram uma arte em trabalho com prata que se equipara em importância à sua célebre cestaria, sendo o material utilizado moedas de prata derretidas em moldes de pedra esculpidos por eles. A mica era extraída nas montanhas da Carolina pelas tribos locais e moldada em gorgets e espelhos, que eram comercializados até as pradarias ocidentais. Todas essas artes pertenciam aos homens.
The Eskimo were noted for their artistic carvings of bones and walrus ivory; the Pueblo for their turquoise-inlaid work and their wood carving, especially mythologic figurines, and the Atlantic and California coast tribes for their work in shell. The wampum, or shell beads, made chiefly from the shells of various clams found along the Atlantic coast have become historic, having been extensively used not only for dress ornamentation, but also on treaty belts, as tribal tribute, and as a standard of value answering the purpose of money. The ordinary stone hammer or club, found in nearly every tribe, represented much patient labour, while the whole skill of the artist was frequently expended upon the stone-carved pipe. The black stone pipes of the Cherokee were famous in the southern states, and the red stone pipe of catlinite from a single quarry in Minnesota was reputed sacred and was smoked at the ratification of all solemn tribal engagements throughout the plains and the lake-region. Knives, lance-blades, and arrow-heads were also usually of stone, preferably flint or obsidian. Along the Gulf Coast, keen-edged knives fashioned from split canes were in use. Corn mortars and bowls were usually of wood in the timber region and of stone in the arid country. Hide-scrapers were of bone, and spoons of wood or horn. Metal-work was limited chiefly to the fashioning of gorgets and other ornaments hammered out from native copper, found in the southern Alleghenies, about Lake Superior, and about Copper River in Alaska. The art of smelting was apparently unknown. Under Franciscan and later Mexican teaching the Navahos have developed a silver-working art which compares in importance with their celebrated basket-weaving, the material used being silver coins melted down in stone molds of their own carving. Mica was mined in the Carolina mountains by the local tribes and fashioned into gorgets and mirrors, which found their way by trade as far as the western prairies, All of these arts belonged to the men.
A produção de cerâmica pertencia às mulheres e era praticada em quase todas as tribos, exceto nas das planícies e nas bacias interiores, e no frio norte. A cerâmica oriental é geralmente decorada com padrões estampados. A dos Pueblo e de outras tribos do sudoeste era lisa e pintada com desenhos simbólicos. Alguns espécimes de cerâmica vidrada foram encontrados na mesma região, mas é duvidoso se o processo é de origem nativa. Os Catawba e algumas outras tribos produziram uma bela cerâmica negra queimando o vaso sob cobertura, de modo que a fumaça permeasse os poros do barro. O simples processo manual de modelagem por coils era usado universalmente.
The making of pottery belonged to the women and was practiced in nearly all tribes, excepting those in the plains and interior basin, and the cold north. The Eastern pottery is usually decorated with stamped patterns. That of the Pueblo and other south-western tribes was smooth and painted over with symbolic designs. A few specimens of glazed ware have been found in the same region, but it is doubtful if the process is of native origin. The Catawba and some other tribes produced a beautiful black ware by burning the vessel under cover, so that the smoke permeated the pores of the clay. The simple hand process by coiling was universally used.
A cestaria em palha, cana, junco, fibras de yucca ou casca, e várias gramíneas era praticada pelas mesmas tribos que faziam cerâmica e, exceto em algumas tribos, também era um trabalho feminino. A cesta era tingida em vários desenhos com tinturas vegetais. Os Cherokee faziam cestas de parede dupla. As dos Choctaw, das tribos Pueblo, Jicarillo e Piute eram conhecidas pela beleza do design e da execução, mas os Pomo e outras tribos da Califórnia se destacavam pela proximidade e delicadeza da tecelagem e pela riqueza da decoração, muitas de suas cestas de gramínea sendo impermeáveis e quase escondidas sob uma entrelaçada de plumagem colorida, além de decoradas na parte superior com pendentes de madre-pérola brilhante. A tecelagem de tapetes de gramínea ou junco para cobrir camas ou wigwams pode ser considerada uma variante do processo de cestaria, assim como o delicado trabalho de aplique com espinhos de ouriço do norte das planícies e das tribos da parte alta do Mississippi.
Basket-weaving in wood splits, cane, rushes, yucca- or bark-fibre, and various grasses was practiced by the same tribes which made pottery, and excepting in a few tribes, was likewise a women's work. The basket was stained in various designs with vegetable dyes. The Cherokee made a double-walled basket. Those of the Choctaw, Pueblo tribes, Jicarillo, and Piute were noted for beauty of design and execution, but the Pomo and other tribes of California excelled in all closeness and delicacy of weaving and richness of decoration, many of their grass baskets being water-tight and almost hidden under an inter-weaving of bright-coloured plumage, and further decorated around the top with pendants of shining mother-of-pearl. The weaving of grass or rush mats for covering beds or wigwams may be considered as a variant of the basket-weaving process, as likewise the delicate porcupine quill appliqué work of the northern plains and upper-Mississippi tribes.
A útil arte de curtir peles pertencía exclusivamente às mulheres, exceto ao longo das costas árticas, onde as peles nuas eram substituídas por peles de animais, usadas pelos esquimós, enquanto as entranhas dos maiores animais marinhos também eram utilizadas para vestimentas impermeáveis. As peles mais comumente utilizadas eram as de búfalos, alces e cervos, que eram preparadas por meio de raspagem, estiramento e unção com várias misturas amaciantes ou preservativas, das quais o fígado ou o cérebro do animal geralmente faziam parte. As tribos de madeireiros geralmente defumavam as peles, um processo desconhecido nas planícies. Um uso limitado era feito de peles de aves com as penas intactas.
The useful art of skin-dressing also belonged exclusively to the women, excepting along the Arctic coasts, where furs, instead of denuded skins, were worn by the Eskimo, while the entrails of the larger sea animals were also utilized for waterproof garments. The skins in most general use were those of the buffalo, elk, and deer, which were prepared by scraping, stretching, and anointing with various softening or preservative mixtures, of which the liver or brains of the animal were commonly a part. The timber tribes generally smoked the skins, a process unknown on the plains. A limited use was made of bird skins with the feathers intact.
A arte de tecer propriamente dita estava quase exclusivamente nas mãos das mulheres. No leste, além da fabricação de cestos e esteiras, estava quase inteiramente restrita à torção de cordas ou cordas de arco, e à confecção de cintos, utilizando a pele em lugar do têxtil. No sudoeste, as tribos Pueblo teciam algodão nativo em teares de sua própria invenção e, desde a introdução de ovelhas pelos missionários franciscanos no século XVI, os Navajos, ampliando o conhecimento adquirido dos Pueblo, desenvolveram uma arte de tecer que tornou o cobertor navajo famoso em todo o país, sendo que a desfiagem, fiação, tecelagem e tingimento da lã eram todas de sua própria produção. Os Piute de Nevada e outros da região usavam cobertores tecidos com tiras de pele de coelho. Alguns escritores antigos mencionam capas tecidas com penas entre as tribos da baía, mas é possível que as penas simplesmente estivessem sobrepostas à vestimenta de pele.
The weaving art proper was also almost exclusively in the hands of the women. In the east, aside from basket- and mat-making it was confined almost entirely to the twisting of ropes or bowstrings, and the making of belts, the skin fabric taking the place of the textile. In the South-West the Pueblo tribes wove native cotton upon looms of their own device, and, since the introduction of sheep by the Franciscan missionaries in the sixteenth century, the Navaho, enlarging upon their Pueblo teaching have developed a weaving art which has made the Navaho blanket famous throughout the country, the stripping, spinning, weaving, and dyeing of the wool all being their own. The Piute of Nevada and others of that region wore blankets woven from strips of rabbit-fur. Some early writers mention feather-woven cloaks among the gulf tribes, but it is possible that the feathers were simply overlaid upon the skin garment.
É notável que o trabalhador indígena, homem ou mulher, não usava nenhum padrão, carregando o desenho na cabeça. Certos desenhos, no entanto, eram padronizados e hereditários em tribos e sociedades particulares.
It is notable that the Indian worker, man or woman, used no pattern, carrying the design in the head. Certain designs, however, were standardized and hereditary in particular tribes and societies.
Jogos e diversões
Games and amusements
Naturalmente despreocupado com o futuro, o índio entregava-se ao prazer quando não estava sob necessidade ou perigo imediato, e seu tempo livre em casa era preenchido por uma constante rotina de festas, danças, contação de histórias, competições atléticas e jogos de azar. O principal jogo atlético em toda a região leste do Missouri, assim como em algumas tribos da costa do Pacífico, era o jogo da bola adotado pelos franceses do Canadá sob o nome de lacrosse e na Louisiana como racquette. Nesse jogo, a bola era capturada não com a mão, mas com um bastão de rede semelhante a uma raquete de tênis. Uma dança especial e um cerimonial secreto precediam o concurso. Em seguida, o jogo conhecido pelos primeiros comerciantes pelo nome corrompido de chunkee ocupava o segundo lugar em preferência tribal na região oriental, em que um jogador rolava uma roda de pedra pelo chão, enquanto seu competidor fazia deslizar após ela um bastão curvado em uma das extremidades como o cabo de um guarda-chuva, com o objetivo de fazer a roda gasta cair dentro da curva ao final de seu percurso. Este jogo, que necessitava de muito esforço físico, às vezes se prolongava por horas. Um jogo um tanto similar, jogado com uma roda de rede e um bastão reto, era encontrado nas planícies, tendo como objetivo passar o bastão pelos orifícios de rede certos na roda, conhecidos como búfalo, touro, bezerro, etc. Corridas a pé eram muito populares entre certas tribos, como os Pueblo, Apache, Wichita e Crows, sendo frequentemente parte de grandes funções cerimoniais. Nas planícies, as corridas de cavalos proporcionavam entretenimento emocionante. Havia numerosos jogos de azar, semelhantes a jogos de dados, jogados com bastões marcados, pedras de ameixa, ossos esculpidos, etc., sendo estes especialmente populares entre as mulheres. O tiro ao alvo com arco e flecha e várias formas de disparo de dardos também eram populares.
Naturally careless of the future, the Indian gave himself up to pleasure when not under immediate necessity or danger, and his leisure time at home was filled with a constant round of feasting, dancing, story-telling, athletic contests, and gambling games. The principal athletic game everywhere east of the Missouri, as well as with some tribes of the Pacific coast, was the ballplay adopted by the French of Canada under the name lacrosse and in Louisiana as racquette. In this game the ball was caught, not with the hand, but with a netted ball-stick somewhat resembling a tennis racket. A special dance and secret ceremonial preceded the contest. Next in tribal favour in the eastern region was the game known to the early traders under the corrupted Creek name of chunkee, in which one player rolled a stone wheel along the ground, while his competitor slid after it a stick curved at one end like an umbrella handle with the design of having the spent wheel fall within the curve at the end of its course. This game, which necessitated much hard running, was sometimes kept up for hours. A somewhat similar game played with a netted wheel and a straight stick was found upon the plains, the object being to dart the stick through the certain netted holes in the wheel, known as the buffalo, bull, calf, etc. Foot races were very popular with certain tribes, as the Pueblo, Apache. Wichita and Crows, being frequently a part of great ceremonial functions. On the plains horse-racing furnished exciting amusement. There were numerous gambling games, somewhat of the dice order, played with marked sticks, plum stones, carved bones, etc., these being in special favour with the women. Target shooting with bow and arrow, and various forms of dart shooting were also popular.
Entre os jogos distintamente femininos estavam o futebol e o shinny; o primeiro, no entanto, consistia apenas em manter a bola no ar com os dedos, o que se fazia saltando-a o maior tempo possível. Jogos de mão, nos quais um número de jogadores se organizava em duas linhas opostas e tentava adivinhar a localização de um pequeno objeto que era rapidamente passado de mão em mão, eram um passatempo favorito nas tendas, tanto para homens quanto para mulheres, nas noites de inverno, acompanhados de canções adequadas ao movimento rápido das mãos. Contação de histórias e músicas, geralmente acompanhadas pelo chocalho ou um pequeno tambor de mão, preenchiam a noite. O índio era essencialmente musical; seus instrumentos incluíam o tambor, chocalho, flauta, flageolet, apito de osso de águia e outros dispositivos mais rudimentares. Cada um tinha seu significado religioso especial e propósitos cerimoniais, especialmente o chocalho, que possuía diversas variedades. Além dos jogos atléticos e de azar, havia jogos de diversão que eram praticados apenas em raras ocasiões de necessidade tribal, com paramentos sagrados guardados por guardiões sagrados. O índio também gostava de cantar e tinha canções para cada ocasião — amor, guerra, caça, jogo, medicina, sátira, canções infantis e canções de ninar.
Among distinctly women's games were football and shinny, the former, however, being merely the bouncing of the ball from the toes with the purpose of keeping in the air as long as possible. Hand games, in which a number of players arranged themselves in two opposing lines and alternately endeavoured to guess the whereabouts of a small object shifted rapidly from hand to hand, were a favourite tipi pastime with both sexes in the winter evenings, to the accompaniment of songs fitted to the rapid movement of the hands. Story-telling and songs, usually to the accompaniment of the rattle or small hand-drum, filled in the evening. The Indian was essentially musical, his instruments being the drum, rattle, flute, or flageolet, eagle-bone whistle and other more crude devices. Each had its special religious significance and ceremonial purposes, particularly the rattle, of which there were many varieties. Besides the athletic and gambling games, there were games of diversion played only on rare occasions of tribal necessity with sacred paraphernalia in keeping of sacred guardians. The Indian was fond also of singing and had songs for every occasion — love, war, hunting, gaming, medicine, satire, children's songs, and lullabies.
As crianças brincavam com piões, chicotinhos, bonecas e outros brinquedos, ou imitavam os mais velhos na caça, equitação e "brincadeira de casinha".
The children played with tops, whips, dolls, and other toys, or imitated their elders in shooting, riding, and "playing house".
Guerra
War
Assim como a guerra é a condição normal da selvageria, para o índio a glória bélica era o objetivo de sua ambição, o tema de sua oratória e o propósito de seu mais elaborado cerimonial. Suas armas eram a faca, o arco, o bastão, a lança e o tomahawk, ou machado de pedra, que logo foi substituído pelo leve machado de aço fornecido pelo comerciante. A algumas tribos, acrescentavam armaduras defensivas, como a armadura corporal de peles ou varas de madeira usadas ao longo da costa noroeste e em algumas outras seções, e o escudo, mais particularmente utilizado pelas tribos eqüestres das planícies. Como regra geral, a lança e o escudo eram mais comuns nas áreas abertas, enquanto o tomahawk predominava nas florestas. O arco era geralmente feito de algum tipo de madeira resistente e flexível com cordas de tendão torcido, mas às vezes era feito de osso ou chifre revestido com tendão. É extremamente duvidoso que flechas envenenadas fossem encontradas ao norte do México, apesar de muitas afirmações em contrário.
As war is the normal condition of savagery, so to the Indian warlike glory was the goal of his ambition, the theme of his oratory, and the purpose of his most elaborate ceremonial. His weapons were the knife, bow, club, lance, and tomahawk, or stone axe, which last was very soon superseded by the light steel hatchet supplied by the trader. To these, certain tribes added defensive armour, as the body-armour of rawhides or wooden rods in use along the northwest coast and some other sections, and the shield more particularly used by the equestrian tribes of the plains. As a rule, the lance and shield were more common in the open country, and the tomahawk in the woods. The bow was usually of some tough and flexible wood with twisted sinew cord, but was sometimes of bone or horn backed with sinew rapping. It is extremely doubtful if poisoned arrows were found north of Mexico, notwithstanding many assertions to the contrary.
Onde o sistema de clãs prevalecia, a condução geral das questões de guerra muitas vezes estava a cargo de clãs especiais, e em algumas tribos, como os Creek, as negociações e cerimônias de guerra e paz pertenciam a certas cidades designadas como "vermelhas" ou "brancas". Com os Iroquois e provavelmente com outras tribos, a decisão final sobre guerra ou paz recaía sobre um conselho de mulheres casadas. Nas planícies, os guerreiros das tribos estavam organizados em sociedades militares de diferentes graus de hierarquia, desde os meninos em treinamento até os homens mais velhos que haviam passado por seu período ativo. O serviço militar era totalmente voluntário para o indivíduo que, entre as tribos do leste, manifestava sua aceitação de alguma forma pública, como batendo no poste de guerra pintado de vermelho, ou, nas planícies, fumando o cachimbo enviado pelos organizadores das expedições. Ao contrário da prática europeia, o comando geralmente recaía sobre vários líderes de igual grau, que não eram necessariamente reconhecidos como chefes em outras ocasiões. A partida e o retorno eram realizados de acordo com as formas cerimoniais fixas, com cânticos solenes de desafio, vitória ou luto pela derrota. Em algumas tribos, havia pequenas sociedades de guerreiros escolhidos que se comprometiam a nunca se virar ou fugir de um inimigo, exceto por permissão expressa de seus companheiros, mas, em geral, o guerreiro indígena preferia não correr grandes riscos, embora fosse valente em circunstâncias desesperadoras.
Where the clan system prevailed the general conduct of war matters was often in the keeping of special clans, and in some tribes, such as the Creeks, war and peace negotiations and ceremonials belonged to certain towns designated as "red" or "white". With the Iroquois and probably with other tribes, the final decision on war or peace rested with a council of the married women. On the plains the warriors of the tribes were organized into military societies of differing degrees of rank, from the boys in training to the old men who had passed their active period. Military service was entirely voluntary with the individual who, among the eastern tribes, signified his acceptance in some public manner, as by striking the red-painted war-post, or, on the plains, by smoking the pipe sent round by the organizers of the expeditions. Contrary to European practice, the command usually rested with several leaders of equal rank, who were not necessarily recognized as chiefs on other occasions. The departure and the return were made according to the fixed ceremonial forms, with solemn chants of defiance, victory, or grief at defeat. In some tribes there were small societies of chosen warriors pledged never to turn or flee from an enemy except by express permission of their fellows, but in general the Indian warrior chose not to take large risks, although brave enough in desperate circumstance.
Para o selvagem, cada membro de uma tribo hostil era igualmente um inimigo, e ele se gloriava tanto na morte de um infante quanto na do guerreiro pai. A vitória significava massacre indiscriminado, com os mais revoltantes mutilações dos mortos, seguido, no início, em quase toda a parte do Oriente e do Sul, por um banquete canibal. O costume de escalar os mortos, tão geral nas guerras indianas posteriores, foi demonstrado por Frederici como originalmente restrito a uma área limitada a leste do Mississippi, gradualmente suprimindo o costume anterior de decapitação. Em muitas tribos ocidentais, a bravura do guerreiro não era medida pelo número de seus troféus de escalpo, mas pelo número de suas "coups" (termo francês), ou golpes sobre o inimigo, para os quais havia uma escala regular segundo a natureza, sendo a mais alta honra concedida não a quem conseguia o escalpo, mas ao guerreiro que desferia o primeiro golpe sobre o inimigo, mesmo que com nada mais do que uma vara de salgueiro. A dança do escalpo era realizada não pelos guerreiros, mas pelas mulheres, que assim se alegravam com o sucesso de seus maridos e irmãos. Não havia uma "dança da guerra" distintiva.
To the savage every member of a hostile tribe was equally an enemy, and he gloried as much in the death of an infant as in that of the warrior father. Victory meant indiscriminate massacre, with most revolting mutilation of the dead, followed in the early period in nearly every portion of the East and South by a cannibal feast. The custom of scalping the dead, so general in later Indian wars, has been shown by Frederici to have been confined originally to a limited area east of the Mississippi, gradually superseding the earlier custom of beheading. In many western tribes, the warrior's prowess was measured not by the number of his scalp trophies, but by the number of his coups (French term), or strokes upon the enemy, for which there was a regular scale according to kind, the highest honour being accorded not to one one who secured the scalp, but to the warrior who struck the first blow upon the enemy, even though with no more than a willow rod. The scalp dance was performed, not by the warriors, but by the women, who thus rejoiced over the success of their husbands and brothers. There was no distinctive "war dance".
Os cativos entre as tribos orientais eram ou condenados à morte com toda forma horrível de tortura ou adotados cerimonialmente pela tribo, a decisão geralmente recaindo sobre as mulheres. Se adotado, ele imediatamente se tornava membro de uma família, geralmente como representante de um membro falecido, e adquiria imediatamente plenos direitos tribais. Nas guerras Huron, cidades inteiras da nação derrotada submetiam-se voluntariamente e eram adotadas pelas tribos Iroquois. Nas planícies, a tortura não era comum. Adultos raramente eram poupados, mas crianças frequentemente eram poupadas e eram regularmente adotadas ou criadas em uma espécie leve de escravidão. Ao longo da costa noroeste, e até o sul da Califórnia, a escravidão prevalecia em sua forma mais severa e era o destino habitual do cativo.
Captives among the eastern tribes were either condemned to death with every horrible form of torture or ceremonially adopted into the tribe, the decision usually resting with the women. If adopted, he at once became a member of a family, usually as representative of a deceased member, and at once acquired full tribal rights. In the Huron wars whole towns of the defeated nation voluntarily submitted and were adopted into the Iroquois tribes. On the plains torture was not common. Adults were seldom spared, but children were frequently spared and either regularly adopted or brought up in a mild sort of slavery. Along the northwest coast, and as far south as California slavery prevailed in its harshest form and was the usual fate of the captive.
Organização social
Social organization
Entre a maioria das tribos a leste do Mississippi, entre os Pueblos, Navahos e outros do Sudoeste, e entre os Tlingit e Haida da costa noroeste, a sociedade era baseada no sistema de clãs, sob o qual a tribo era dividida em vários grandes grupos familiares, cujos membros eram considerados como estreitamente relacionados e proibidos de se casarem entre si. As crianças geralmente seguiam o clã da mãe. Os clãs, por sua vez, eram às vezes agrupados em corpos maiores de parentesco, aos quais se aplica o nome de fratrias. Os clãs geralmente, mas nem sempre, eram nomeados a partir de animais, e cada clã manifestava uma reverência especial pelo seu animal tutelar. Assim, os Cherokee tinham sete clãs: Lobo, Cervo, Pássaro, Pintura e três outros com nomes que não são facilmente traduzidos. Um homem Lobo não poderia se casar com uma mulher Lobo, mas poderia se casar com uma mulher Cervo ou com uma de qualquer um dos outros clãs, e seus filhos seriam do clã Cervo ou de outro clã, conforme o caso. Em algumas tribos, o nome do indivíduo indicava o clã, como "Pé Redondo" no clã do lobo e "Rastejante" no clã da Tartaruga. Certas funções de guerra, paz ou cerimônia eram geralmente hereditárias em clãs especiais, e a vingança por ofensas contra a tribo recaía sobre os parentes clânicos da pessoa ferida. O conselho tribal era composto pelos chefes hereditários ou eleitos, e qualquer alienígena integrado à tribo tinha que ser especificamente adotado em uma família e clã.
Among most of the tribes east of the Mississippi, among the Pueblos, Navahos, and others of the South-West, and among the Tlingit and Haida of the northwest coast, society was based upon the clan system, under which the tribe was divided into a number of large family groups, the members of which were considered as closely related and prohibited from intermarrying. The children usually followed the clan of the mother. The clans themselves were sometimes grouped into larger bodies of related kindred, to which the name of phratries has been applied. The clans were usually, but not always, named from animals, and each clan paid special reverence to its tutelary animal. Thus the Cherokee had seven clans, Wolf, Deer, Bird, Paint, and three others with names not readily translated, A Wolf man could not marry a Wolf woman, but might marry a Deer woman, or one of any of the other clans, and his children were of the Deer clan or other clan accordingly. In some tribes the name of the individual indicated the clan, as "Round Foot" in the wolf clan and "Crawler" in the Turtle clan. Certain functions of war, peace, or ceremonial were usually hereditary in special clans, and revenge for injuries with the tribe devolved upon the clan relatives of the person injured. The tribal council was made up of the hereditary or elected chiefs, and any alien taken into the tribe had to be specifically adopted into a family and clan.
O sistema de clãs não era de forma alguma universal, como supuseram Morgan e seus seguidores há quarenta anos, mas agora se sabe que foi limitado a regiões particulares e parece ter sido originalmente um artifício artificial para proteger terras e outras linhagens tribais. Ele estava ausente quase em toda parte a oeste do Missouri, exceto no Sudoeste, e parece ter sido desconhecido na maior parte da América Britânica, no interior do Alasca e provavelmente entre os esquimós. Entre as tribos das planícies, a unidade era a banda, cujos membros acampavam juntos sob seu próprio chefe, em um local designado no círculo do acampamento tribal, e não estavam sujeitos a nenhuma proibição de casamento, mas geralmente se casavam entre si.
The clan system was by no means universal, as supposed by Morgan and his followers of forty years ago, but is now known to have been limited to particular regions and seems to have been originally an artificial contrivance to protect land and other tribal descent. It was absent almost everywhere west of the Missouri, excepting in the South-West, and appears to have been unknown throughout the greater portion of British America, the interior of Alaska, and probably among the Eskimos. Among the plains tribes, the unit was the band, whose members camped together under their own chief, in an appointed place in the tribal camp circle, and were subject to no marriage prohibition, but usually married among themselves.
Com algumas exceções notáveis, havia muito pouca ideia de solidariedade tribal ou autoridade suprema, e onde um chefe aparece na história como ditador tribal, como no caso de Powhatan na Virgínia, isso geralmente se deve à sua própria personalidade forte. A verdadeira autoridade estava com o conselho como intérpretes dos antigos costumes tribais. Mesmo tribos bem conhecidas, como os Creeks e os Cherokee, eram na verdade apenas aglomerações de aldeias intimamente relacionadas, cada uma agindo de forma independente ou em cooperação com as outras conforme sua conveniência imediata. Mesmo nas tribos menores e mais compactas, raramente havia qualquer disposição para coagir o indivíduo a garantir a ação comum, mas aqueles do mesmo clã ou grupo costumavam agir juntos. Nessa falta de solidariedade reside o segredo da fraqueza militar indígena. Em nenhuma guerra indígena na história dos Estados Unidos uma única grande tribo jamais se uniu em resistência sólida, enquanto, por outro lado, outras tribos sempre foram encontradas se unindo contra os hostis. Entre os Natchez, Tinucua e algumas outras tribos do sul, há mais indícios de uma autoridade central, provavelmente restingando com um clã dominante.
With a few notable exceptions, there was very little idea of tribal solidarity or supreme authority, and where a chief appears in history as tribal dictator, as in the case of Powhatan in Virginia, it was usually due to his own strong personality. The real authority was with the council as interpreters of ancient tribal customs. Even such well-known tribes as the Creeks and Cherokee were really only aggregations of closely cognate villages, each acting independently or in cooperation with the others as suited its immediate convenience. Even in the smaller and more compact tribes there was seldom any provision for coercing the individual to secure common action, but those of the same clan or band usually acted together. In this lack of solidarity is the secret of Indian military weakness. In no Indian war in the history of the United States has a single large tribe ever united in solid resistance, while on the other hand other tribes have always been found to join against the hostiles. Among the Natchez, Tinucua, and some other southern tribes, there is more indication of a central authority, resting probably with a dominant clan.
Os Iroqueses de Nova York haviam progredido além de qualquer outro povo nativo ao norte do México na elaboração de um estado e império. Por meio de um sistema cuidadosamente planejado de confederações, originado por volta de 1570, as cinco tribos aliadas haviam garantido paz e unidade interna, o que lhes permitiu adquirir controle dominante sobre a maioria das tribos desde a Baía de Hudson até a Carolina, e, se não fossem prematuramente interrompidos pela chegada dos brancos, poderiam, com o tempo, ter fundado um império do norte que rivalizasse com o dos astecas.
The Iroquois of New York had progressed beyond any other native people north of Mexico in the elaboration of a state and empire. Through a carefully planned system of confederations, originating about 1570, the five allied tribes had secured internal peace and unity, by which they had been able to acquire dominant control over most of the tribes from Hudson Bay to Carolina, and if not prematurely checked by the advent of the whites, might in time have founded a northern empire to rival that of the Aztec.
A terra era geralmente possuída em comum, exceto entre os Pueblos, onde era repartida entre os clãs, e em algumas tribos do norte da Califórnia, onde se diz que o direito individual existia. Madeira e outros produtos naturais eram gratuitos, e a hospitalidade era levada a tal grau que nenhum homem mantinha o que seu vizinho precisava. Embora isso evitasse extremos de pobreza, por outro lado, paralisava a indústria e a economia individuais, e era uma barreira eficaz ao progresso. A acumulação de propriedades era ainda desencorajada pelo fato de que, na maioria das tribos, era costume destruir todos os pertences do proprietário em sua morte. A palavra para "corajoso" e "generoso" era frequentemente a mesma, e ao longo da costa noroeste existia o curioso costume conhecido como potlatch, sob o qual um homem economizava por metade da vida para adquirir o título de chefe ao finalmente doar todo o seu acervo em um grande banquete público.
Land was usually held in common, except among the Pueblos, where it was apportioned among the clans, and in some tribes in northern California, where individual right is said to have existed. Timber and other natural products were free, and hospitality was carried to such a degree that no man kept what his neighbour wanted. While this prevented extremes of poverty, on the other hand it paralyzed individual industry and economy, and was an effectual barrier to progress. The accumulation of property was further discouraged by the fact that in most tribes it was customary to destroy all the belongings of the owner at his death. The word for "brave" and "generous" was frequently the same, and along the northwest coast there existed the curious custom known as potlatch, under which a man saved for half a lifetime in order to acquire the rank of chief by finally giving away his entire hoard at a grand public feast.
A escravização de cativos era mais ou menos comum por todo o país, especialmente nos estados do sul, onde os cativos eram às vezes mutilados para prevenir sua fuga. Ao longo da costa noroeste e até a Califórnia, não apenas os cativos, mas seus filhos e descendentes posteriores eram escravos e podiam ser abusados ou massacrados à vontade do mestre, sendo frequentemente queimados vivos com seu proprietário falecido ou abatidos para fornecer um banquete canibal cerimonial. Nos estados escravistas do sul, antes da Guerra Civil, os índios eram proprietários frequentes de escravos negros.
Enslavement of captives was more or less common throughout the country, especially in the southern states, where the captives were sometimes crippled to prevent their escape. Along the northwest coast and as far south as California, not only the captives but their children and later descendants were slaves and might be abused or slaughtered at the will of the master, being frequently burned alive with their deceased owner, or butchered to provide a ceremonial cannibal feast. In the Southern slave states, before the Civil War, the Indians were frequent owners of negro slaves.
Homens e mulheres, e às vezes até crianças mais velhas, eram organizados em sociedades para propósitos militares, religiosos, de trabalho e sociais, muitas das quais eram secretas, especialmente as relacionadas à medicina e ao trabalho feminino. Em algumas tribos, havia também um costume pelo qual dois jovens se tornavam "irmãos" por meio de uma troca pública de nomes.
Men and women, and sometimes even the older children, were organized into societies for military, religious, working, and social purposes, many of these being secret, especially those concerned with medicine and women's work. In some tribes there was also a custom by which two young men became "brothers" through a public exchange of names.
A opinião errônea de que o homem indígena era um preguiçoso e que a mulher indígena era uma serva e escrava baseia-se em uma concepção equivocada do sistema nativo de divisão do trabalho, pelo qual era responsabilidade do homem defender o lar e prover alimentos por meio da caça e da pesca, assumindo todos os riscos e dificuldades da batalha e da natureza selvagem, enquanto a mulher cuidava das tarefas domésticas, incluindo a coleta de lenha e água e, nos grupos nômades, a montagem dos tipis. No entanto, as crianças exigiam pouco cuidado depois que eram capazes de correr, e as tarefas de casa eram das mais simples; além disso, como as mulheres normalmente trabalhavam em grupos, com canções e conversas, enquanto as crianças brincavam, o trabalho tinha muita diversão misturada. Em tudo que dizia respeito ao lar, a mulher era a mestre, e em muitas tribos o conselho das mulheres tomava a decisão final sobre questões importantes de política pública. Entre as tribos mais agrícolas, como os Pueblos, homens e mulheres trabalhavam juntos nos campos. No extremo norte, por outro lado, o ambiente hostil parece ter despertado toda a selvageria da natureza masculina, e a mulher era de fato uma escrava, sujeita a todos os caprichos da crueldade, exceto entre os Kutchin do Alto Yukon, conhecidos pelo bom trato com suas mulheres. A poligamia existia em quase todas as tribos, exceto entre os Pueblos.
The erroneous opinion that the Indian man was an idler, and that the Indian woman was a drudge and slave, is founded upon a misconception of the native system of division of labour, under which it was the man's business to defend the home and to provide food by hunting and fishing, assuming all the risks and hardships of battle and the wilderness, while the woman attended to the domestic duties including the bringing of wood and water, and, with the nomad tribes, the setting up of the tipis. The children, however, required little care after they were able to run about, and the housekeeping was of the simplest, and, as the women usually worked in groups, with songs and gossip, while the children played about, the work had much of pleasure mixed with it. In all that chiefly concerned the home, the woman was the mistress, and in many tribes the women's council gave the final decision upon important matters of public policy. Among the more agricultural tribes, as the Pueblos, men and women worked the fields together. In the far north, on the other hand, the harsh environment seems to have brought all the savagery of the man's nature, and the woman was in fact a slave, subject to every whim of cruelty, excepting among the Kutchin of the Upper Yukon, noted for their kind treatment of their women. Polygamy existed in nearly all tribes excepting the Pueblos.
Religião e mitologia
Religion and mythology
O índio era um animista, para quem cada animal, planta e objeto da natureza continha um espírito a ser propiciado ou temido. Alguns desses espíritos, como o sol, o búfalo e a planta de peyote, a águia e a cascavel, eram mais poderosos ou frequentemente úteis do que outros, mas não havia um "Grande Espírito" supremo como frequentemente representado. Certos números, particularmente quatro e sete, eram considerados sagrados. Cores eram simbólicas e tinham um lugar duradouro, e às vezes sexo. Assim, entre os Cherokee, os espíritos vermelhos de poder e vitória habitam a Terra do Sol, ou o Leste, enquanto os espíritos negros da morte residem na Terra do Crepúsculo do Oeste. Certas tribos tinham palácios em torno dos quais se centravam seus rituais mais elaborados. Cada homem também tinha sua "medicina" pessoal secreta. O sacerdote era também o médico, e a medicina e o ritual religioso estavam intimamente entrelaçados. Sociedades secretas existiam em cada tribo, reivindicando poderes de profecia, hipnotismo e clarividência. Os sonhos eram muito respeitados, sendo implicitamente confiáveis e obedecidos, enquanto bruxas, fadas e monstros sobrenaturais eram tão comuns quanto na Europa medieval. Sacrifícios humanos, tanto de bebês quanto de adultos, eram encontrados entre os Timucua da Flórida, os Natchez do Mississippi, os Pawnee das planícies e algumas tribos da Califórnia e da costa noroeste, sendo que o sacrifício nesta última região frequentemente era seguido por um banquete canibal. De tempos em tempos, como entre nações mais civilizadas, profetas surgiam para purificar a antiga religião ou pregar um novo ritual. Cada tribo tinha sua gênese, tradição e herói mítico, com todo um corpo de crença mitológica e folclore, e uma ou mais grandes cerimônias tribais. Entre estas, podem ser destacadas o festival de ação de graças do Dança do Milho Verde das tribos orientais e do sul, a Dança do Sol das planícies, a célebre dança das cobras dos Hopi e a Dança do Salmão das tribos de Columbia.
The Indian was an animist, to whom every animal, plant, and object in nature contained a spirit to be propitiated or feared. Some of these, such as the sun, the buffalo, and the peyote plant, the eagle and the rattlesnake, were more powerful or more frequently helpful than others, but there was no overruling "Great Spirit" as so frequently represented. Certain numbers, particularly four and seven, were held sacred. Colours were symbolic and had abiding place, and sometimes sex. Thus with the Cherokee the red spirits of power and victory live in the Sun Land, or the East, while the black spirits of death dwell in the Twilight Land of the West. Certain tribes had palladiums around which centered their most elaborate ritual. Each man had also his secret personal "medicine". The priest was likewise the doctor, and medicine and religious ritual were closely interwoven. Secret societies were in every tribe, claiming powers of prophecy, hypnotism, and clairvoyance. Dreams were in great repute, and implicitly trusted and obeyed, while witches, fairies, and supernatural monsters were as common as in medieval Europe. Human sacrifices, either of infants or adults, were found among the Timucua of Florida, the Natchez of Mississippi, the Pawnee of the plains, and some tribes of California and the northwest coast, the sacrifice in the last-mentioned region being frequently followed by a cannibal feast. From time to time, as among more civilized nations, prophets arose to purify the old religion or to preach a new ritual. Each tribe had its genesis, tradition, and mythical hero, with a whole body of mythologic belief and folklore, and one or more great tribal ceremonials. Among the latter may be noted the Green-Corn Dance thanksgiving festival of the eastern and southern tribes, the Sun-Dance of the plains, the celebrated snake dance of the Hopi and the Salmon Dance of the Columbia tribes.
Sepultamento
Burial
O método de dispor dos mortos variava de acordo com a tribo e o ambiente, sendo a inumação provavelmente a mais difundida. Os hurons e os iroqueses permitiam que os corpos se decompusessem em andaimes, após o que os ossos eram recolhidos e depositados com muito cerimonial no sepulcro tribal comum. Os nanticokes e os choctaws raspavam a carne dos ossos, que eram então embrulhados em um fardo e guardados em uma caixa dentro da moradia. O sepultamento em árvores, andaimes e cavernas era comum nas planícies e nas montanhas, enquanto a cremação era a regra nas regiões áridas mais ao oeste e sudoeste. Ao norte do Columbia, o corpo era depositado em um barco elevado sobre postes, enquanto o sepultamento em cavernas reaparecia entre os aleutas do Alasca, e o sepultamento terrestre entre os esquimós. O temor de mencionar o nome do falecido era tão universal quanto a destruição da propriedade do defunto, chegando até à morte de seu cavalo ou cachorro, enquanto o costume de colocar comida perto da sepultura para o espírito durante a jornada para o outro mundo era quase tão comum. A laceração do corpo, o corte dos cabelos, a negligência geral da pessoa e o lamento cerimonial, manhã e noite, às vezes por semanas, também eram partes de seus costumes fúnebres.
The method of disposing of the dead varied according to the tribe and the environment, inhumation being probably the most widespread. The Hurons and the Iroquois allowed the bodies to decay upon scaffolds, after which the bones were gathered up and deposited with much ceremony in the common tribal sepulchre. The Nanticoke and Choctaw scraped the flesh from the bones, which were then wrapped in a bundle, and kept in a box within the dwelling. Tree, scaffold, and cave burial were common on the plains and in the mountains, while cremation was the rule in the arid regions father to the west and south-west. Northward from the Columbia the body was deposited in a canoe raised upon posts, while cave burial reappeared among the Aleut of Alaska, and earth burial among the Eskimo. The dread of mentioning the name of the dead was as universal as destroying the property of the deceased, even to the killing of his horse or dog, while the custom of placing food near the grave for the spirit during the journey to the other world was almost as common, Laceration of the body, cutting off of the hair, general neglect of the person, and ceremonial wailing, morning and evening, sometimes for weeks, were also parts of their funeral customs.
Idioma e população
Language and population
Quase duzentas línguas principais, além de dialetos menores, eram faladas ao norte do México, classificadas em cinquenta e uma famílias linguísticas distintas, conforme listado abaixo, das quais quase metade estavam representadas na Califórnia. As marcadas com um asterisco estão extintas, enquanto várias outras estão agora reduzidas a menos de uma dúzia de indivíduos que mantêm a língua: Algonquiana, Athapascan (Déné), Attacapan, *Beothukan, Caddoan, Chimakuan, *Chimarikan, Chimmesyan, Chinookan, Chitimachan, *Chumashan, *Coahuiltecan (Pakawá), Copehan (Wintun), Costanoan, Eskimauan, *Esselenian, Iroquoian, Kalapooian, *Karankawan, Keresan, Kiowan, Kitunahan, Kaluschan (Tlingit), Kulanapan (Pomo), *Kusan, Mariposan (Yokuts), Moquelumnan (Miwok), Muskogean, Pujunan (Maidu), Quoratean (Karok), *Salinan, Salishan, Shahaptian, Shoshonean, Siouan, Skittagetan (Haida), Takilman, *Timucuan, *Tonikan, Tonkawan, Uchean, *Waiilatpuan (Cayuse), Wakashan (Nootka), Washoan, Weitspekan (Yurok), Wishoskan, Yakonan, *Yanan (Nosi), Yukian, Yuman, Zuñian.
Nearly two hundred major languages, besides minor dialects, were spoken north of Mexico, classified in fifty-one distinct linguistic stocks, as given below, of which nearly one-half were represented in California. Those marked with an asterisk are extinct, while several others are now reduced to less than a dozen individuals keeping the language: Algonquian, Athapascan (Déné), Attacapan, *Beothukan, Caddoan, Chimakuan, *Chimarikan, Chimmesyan, Chinookan, Chitimachan, *Chumashan, *Coahuiltecan (Pakawá), Copehan (Wintun), Costanoan, Eskimauan, *Esselenian, Iroquoian, Kalapooian, *Karankawan, Keresan, Kiowan, Kitunahan, Kaluschan (Tlingit), Kulanapan (Pomo), *Kusan, Mariposan (Yokuts), Moquelumnan (Miwok), Muskogean, Pujunan (Maidu), Quoratean (Karok), *Salinan, Salishan, Shahaptian, Shoshonean, Siouan, Skittagetan (Haida), Takilman, *Timucuan, *Tonikan, Tonkawan, Uchean, *Waiilatpuan (Cayuse), Wakashan (Nootka), Washoan, Weitspekan (Yurok), Wishoskan, Yakonan, *Yanan (Nosi), Yukian, Yuman, Zuñian.
Embora a população indígena nunca tenha sido densa, a ideia de que o indígena manteve sua identidade ou até mesmo aumentou em número é um sério erro, fundamentado no fato de que a maioria das estimativas oficiais começa com o período federal, quando a raça nativa já estava debilitada por quase três séculos de contato com brancos e em muitas regiões já completamente extinta. Uma fonte adicional de erro é que a lei reconhece qualquer um com até mesmo uma remota ascendência indígena como tendo direitos indígenas, incluindo nesta categoria, especialmente nas antigas "Cinco Nações Civilizadas" do Território Indígena (atualmente Oklahoma), vários milhares de indivíduos cujos direitos sempre foram firmemente repudiados pelos tribunais tribais nativos. Além disso, o indígena original era de sangue puro, enquanto seu representante atual muitas vezes possui tão pouco sangue aborígine que se assemelha praticamente a um homem branco ou a um negro. Muitas tribos fragmentadas de hoje não contêm um único membro de sangue puro, e algumas nem mesmo um com metade de sangue indígena. A Nação Cherokee, oficialmente reportada como tendo 36.000 pessoas de sangue cherokee puro ou misturado, provavelmente não contém 4.000 de sangue minimamente puro, o restante apresentando todos os graus de mistura, até mesmo um em sessenta e quatro ou menos de sangue indígena, além de cerca de 7.000 reclamantes oficialmente reconhecidos, mas repudiados pelo antigo Governo Indígena. Em Massachusetts, um censo oficial de 1860 reportou uma "tribo Yartmouth" de 105 pessoas, todas descendentes de uma única mulher indígena com um esposo negro, que residia lá em 1797. É óbvio que o termo indígena não pode ser aplicado corretamente a tais misturas diluídas.
While the Indian population was never dense, the idea that the Indian has held his own. or even actually increased in number, is a serious error, founded on the fact that most official estimates begin with the federal period, when the native race was already wasted by nearly three centuries of white contact and in many regions entirely extinct. An additional source of error is that the law recognizes anyone of even remote Indian ancestry as entitled to Indian rights, including in this category, especially in the former "Five Civilized Nations" of Indian Territory (now Oklahoma), several thousand individuals whose claims have always been stoutly repudiated by the native tribal courts. Moreover, the original Indian was a full-blood, while his present-day representative has often so little aboriginal blood as to practically a white man or a negro. Many broken tribes of today contain not a single full-blood, and some few not even one of half Indian blood. The Cherokee Nation, officially reported to number 36,000 persons of pure or mixed Cherokee blood contains probably not 4000 of even fairly pure blood, the rest being all degrees of admixture even down to one-sixty-fourth or less of Indian blood, besides some 7000 claimants officially recognized, but repudiated by the former Indian Government. In Massachusetts an official census of 1860 reported a "Yartmouth tribe" of 105 persons, all descended from a single Indian woman with a negro husband residing there in 1797. It is obvious that the term Indian cannot properly be applied to such diluted mixtures.
Toda a população aborígine da Flórida, do período das missões, composta por cerca de 30.000 pessoas, está extinta há muito tempo, sem descendentes, sendo os Seminoles uma imigração posterior dos Creeks. Os aborígines da Carolina do Sul, que contavam em 1700 com quinze tribos, dentre as quais os Catawbas, a maior tribo, que somava cerca de seis mil almas, são representados hoje por cerca de cem Catawbas de sangue misto, juntamente com alguns mestiços dispersos, cuja ascendência original é uma questão de dúvida.
The entire aboriginal population of Florida, of the mission period, numbering perhaps 30,000, is long since extinct without descendants, the Seminole being a later emigrations from the Creeks. The aborigines of South Carolina, counting in 1700 some fifteen tribes of which the Catawba, the largest tribe, numbered some six thousand souls, are represented today by about a hundred mixed blood Catawba, together with some scattered mongrels, whose original ancestry is a matter of doubt.
O mesmo é verdade nas planícies. A célebre tribo Pawnee, que contava com cerca de 10.000 almas em 1838, agora está reduzida a 650; os Kansas, que eram 1.500 nesse mesmo período, agora têm 200 almas, e os aborígenes do Texas, que em 1700 talvez somassem cerca de 40.000 almas em muitas pequenas tribos com línguas distintas, estão extintos, exceto por cerca de 900 Caddo, Wichita e Tonkawa. Os últimos, estimados em 1.000 em 1805, somavam 700 em 1849, 300 em 1861, 108 em 1882 e 48 em 1908, incluindo vários estrangeiros. Na Califórnia, a população aborígine diminuiu no mesmo período de talvez um quarto de milhão para cerca de 15.000, e praticamente a mesma proporção de diminuição se aplica a toda a costa do Pacífico até o Alasca. Não apenas as tribos diminuíram, mas todo o estoque linguístico tornou-se extinto dentro do período histórico. As únicas exceções aparentes à regra geral de decaimento são os Iroquois, Sioux e Navaho, sendo que os dois primeiros mantiveram seu número por meio de adoções em massa, enquanto os Navaho foram preservados por seu isolamento. As causas da diminuição podem ser resumidas como: (1) doenças introduzidas e dissipação, particularmente varíola, doenças sexualmente transmissíveis e uísque; (2) guerras, além de dificuldades e enfraquecimento geral decorrentes de frequentes remoções e mudanças forçadas de habitat habitual. A população indígena atual ao norte do México é de aproximadamente 400.000, dos quais cerca de 265.000 estão nos Estados Unidos propriamente ditos.
The same holds good upon the plains, The celebrated Pawnee tribe of some 10,000 souls in 1838 is now reduced to 650; the Kansas of 1500 within the same period have now 200 souls, and the aborigines of Texas, numbering in 1700 perhaps some 40,000 souls in many small tribes with distinct languages, is extinct except for some 900 Caddo, Wichita, and Tonkawa. The last-named, estimated at 1,000 in 1805, numbered 700 in 1849, 300 in 1861, 108 in 1882, and 48 in 1908, including several aliens. In California the aboriginal population has decreased within the same period from perhaps a quarter of a million to perhaps 15,000, and nearly the same proportion of decrease holds good along the whole Pacific coast into Alaska. Not only have tribes dwindled, but whole linguistic stocks have become extinct within the historic period. The only apparent exceptions to the general rule of decay are the Iroquois, Sioux, and Navaho, the first two of whom have kept up their number by wholesale adoptions, while the Navaho have been preserved by their isolation. The causes of decrease may be summarized as: (1) introduced diseases and dissipation, particularly smallpox, sexual disease, and whiskey; (2) wars, also hardship and general enfeeblement consequent upon frequent removals and enforced change from accustomed habitat. The present Indian population north of Mexico is approximately 400,000, or whom approximately 265,000 are within the United States proper.
México, América Central e Índias Ocidentais
Mexico, Central America, and West Indies
Idioma e população
Language and population
Entre o Rio Grande e o Istmo do Panamá, havia um grande número de tribos, constituindo cerca de vinte e cinco famílias linguísticas, e representando todos os graus de cultura, desde a mais baixa selvageria até uma civilização bastante avançada. As mais primitivas eram as tribos da península da Califórnia, com os Seri da Ilha Tiburon. De grau um pouco superior, mas ainda selvagens, estavam os habitantes das baixas terras costeiras de Honduras, Nicarágua e Costa Rica. Os Tarumari, Tepehuan, Huichol e outros das sierra do norte estavam em um nível comparável ao de nossas próprias tribos Pueblo, enquanto os astecas, totonacas, tarascos, zapotecas e mixtecas, assim como os maias, quichés e cakchiquéis, da região central, poderiam quase ser considerados nações civilizadas, contando seus cidadãos por centenas de milhares, com agricultura e todas as artes industriais comuns, uma agricultura bem desenvolvida, um governo estabelecido e ordenado, e uma volumosa literatura em hieróglifos.
Between the Rio Grande and the Isthmus of Panama was a large number of tribes, constituting some twnety-five linguistic stocks, and representing every degree of culture from the lowest savagery to a fairly advanced civilization. Lowest of all were the tribes of the California peninsula, with the Seri of Tiburon Island. Of somewhat higher grade, but still savages, were the dwellers in the low coast-lands of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The Tarumari, Tepehuan, Huichol, and others of the northern sierras were about on a level with our own Pueblo tribes, while the Aztec, Totonac, Tarasco, Zapotec, and Mistec, the Maya, Kiché, and Cakchiquel, of the central region, might almost be considered civilized nations, counting their citizens by hundreds of thousands, with agriculture and all the common industrial arts, a well-developed agriculture, an established and orderly government, and a voluminous hieroglyphic literature.
Como nos Estados Unidos, a direção geral da migração parece ter sido de norte para sul, excetuando-se as tribos do grupo Chibchan, um desdobramento do corpo principal na Colômbia. Os célebres astecas, cujas tribos ocuparam o vale do México e seus arredores imediatos, tinham uma tradição definida de origens do norte, e evidências linguísticas mostram que eram intimamente relacionados aos Pima e Shoshoni, enquanto sua cultura foi emprestada das nações mais antigas e muito mais cultas, mas menos belicosas, que haviam sobrepujado cerca de cinco séculos antes de sua própria conquista por Cortés em 1519. O império que construíram compreendia muitas tribos de estoques diversos, mantidas unidas apenas pela força superior do conquistador, e se desintegraram facilmente com os ataques dos espanhóis. No entanto, as civilizações nativas deixaram sua marca permanente tanto no México quanto na América Central.
As in the United States the general direction of migration seems to have been from north to south, excepting for the tribes of the Chibchan stock, an offshoot from the main body in Columbia. The celebrated Aztec, whose tribes occupied the valley of Mexico and its immediate environs, had a definite tradition of northern origins, and linguistic evidence shows them to have been closely cognate to the Pima and Shoshoni, while their culture was borrowed from the earlier and much more cultured, but less warlike, nations which they had overpowered some five centuries before their own conquest by Cortés in 1519. The empire which they had built up comprised many tribes of diverse stocks, held together only by the superior force of the conqueror, and easily disintegrated by the assaults of the Spaniards. The native civilizations, however, have left their permanent stamp on both Mexico and Central America.
Em características gerais, as culturas das várias nações civilizadas eram muito semelhantes. A agricultura era a base da indústria e da dependência; o cultivo em terraços nas montanhas, a irrigação por canais e até mesmo os jardins flutuantes em lagos eram todos utilizados para atender às necessidades de uma população crescente. A pedra, e mais particularmente o obsidiana, ainda era o principal material para ferramentas comuns, mas haviam descoberto a arte da fundição de bronze e eram habilidosos designers em ouro. O trabalho com ferro—o metal mestre—era praticamente desconhecido no continente americano. Eles se vestiam com roupas de algodão de várias cores. Sua cerâmica, particularmente a dos Taracso, era bonita tanto no design quanto na fabricação, com superfícies esmaltadas e incrustações de metais preciosos. Sua arquitetura pública incluía magníficos templos e pirâmides, de pedra cortada e polida, assentadas em argamassa e cobertas com inscrições em hieróglifos. As cidades arruinadas dos maias do Yucatán — Mayapan, Uxmal e Chichén-Itzá, entre muitas outras, todas ocupadas na época da conquista, junto com ruínas mais antigas como Teotihuancan, Copal e Mitla — rivalizam com os grandes restos da antiguidade clássica.
In general characteristics, the cultures of the several civilized nations were very similar. Agriculture was the basis of industry and dependence; mountain-terracing, canal-irrigation, and even floating lake-gardens, being all utilized to meet the necessities of a swarming population. Stone, and more particularly obsidian, was still the chief material for ordinary implements, but they had discovered the art of bronze-casting, and were expert designers in gold. The working of iron—the master metal—was practically unknown upon the American continent. They were neatly clothed in cotton garments of various colours. Their pottery, particularly that of the Taracso, was beautiful in both design and manufacture, with glazed surface and inlay of precious metal. Their public architecture included magnificent temples and pyramids, of cut and polished stone set in mortar and covered with hieroglyphic inscriptions. The ruined cities of the Maya of Yucatán — Mayapan, Uxmal, and Chichén-Itzá, with scores of others, all occupied at the time of the conquest with such older ruins as Teotihuancan, and Copal, and Mitla—rival the great remains of classical antiquity.
A organização social e política parece ter sido baseada no grupo familiar. Havia um sistema de educação pública no qual os meninos eram ensinados em ciência militar, escrita e rituais religiosos, enquanto as meninas eram instruídas em moral e artes domésticas. Cada nação civilizada possuía um elaborado sistema de calendários, sendo o dos Maias o mais intrincado, com ciclos de 20, 52 e 260 anos. Os sistemas religiosos eram caracterizados pelo número e pela magnificência de seus cerimonialíssimos, com exércitos de sacerdotes e sacerdotisas, procissões, festas e sacrifícios, e pelo tom geralmente sanguinolento de seus sacrifícios, especialmente entre os Astecas, que anualmente sacrificavam milhares de cativos a seus deuses, cujos corpos eram posteriormente consumidos pelos sacerdotes ou pelos capturadores originais. A religião Maia, como o povo, parece ter um caráter mais brando, embora ainda admita sacrifícios humanos. Em todas essas nações, o rei possuía autoridade absoluta. Existiam bibliotecas inteiras de literatura nativa, principalmente de conteúdo ritual, escritas em caracteres iconomáticos ou hieroglíficos, sobre papel de fibra de maguey. Daquelas que escaparam ao fanatismo dos primeiros conquistadores, algumas das mais notáveis (astecas) estão exemplificadas na grande obra de Lord Kingsborough. Entre as nações maias, o monumento literário mais valioso é o "Popol Vuh" dos Kichés da Guatemala, traduzido pelo Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. Para uma visão abrangente dessas civilizações nativas, nossas melhores autoridades são Gomara e Herrara, do período mais antigo, com Prescott e Hubert H. Bancroft de nossa própria época. Apesar das guerras exterminadoras da conquista e da subsequente eterrível opressão sob o sistema de escravidão, os descendentes das raças aborígenes—largamente cristianizados e assimilados às formas espanholas—continuam a constituir a grande parte da população entre o Rio Grande e o Istmo.
The social and political organization seems to have been based upon the family group. There was a system of public education in which boys were taught military science, writing, and religious ritual, while girls were instructed in morals and domestic arts. Each civilized nation had an elaborate calendar system, that of the Maya proper being the most intricate, with cycles of 20, 52, and 260 years. The religious systems were characterized by the number and magnificence of their ceremonials, with armies of priests and priestesses, processions, feasts, and sacrifices, and by the general bloody tenor of their sacrifices, especially among the Aztecs, who yearly sacrificed thousands of captives to their gods, the bodies of the victims being afterwards eaten by the priests or by the original captors. The Maya religion, like the people, appears to have been of a milder character, although still admitting human sacrifice. In all these nations the king was of absolute authority. Whole libraries of native literature existed, chiefly of ritual content, written in iconomatic or hieroglyphic characters, upon paper of maguey fibre. Of those which have escaped the fanaticism of the first conquerors some of the most noted (Aztec) are exemplified in Lord Kingsborough's great work. Of the Mayan nations the most valuable literary monument is the "Popol Vuh" of the Kiché of Guatemala, translated by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. For a comprehensive view of these native civilizations our best authorities are Gomara and Herrara, of the earlier period, with Prescott and Hubert H. Bancroft of our own time. In spite of the exterminating wars of the conquest and the subsequent awful oppression under the slave system, the descendants of the aboriginal races—largely Christianized and assimilated to Spanish forms — still constitute the great bulk of the population between the Rio Grande and the Isthmus.
As tribos costeiras mais rudimentares da América Central não apresentam características culturais distintivas, subsistindo de uma agricultura limitada, complementada pela caça e pesca, sem artes, monumentos ou história de importância. Os Ulva de Honduras praticavam a achatamento de cabeça. Os Caribes da mesma região eram imigrantes forçados das Antilhas.
The ruder coastal tribes of central America present no distinguishing cultural features, subsisted by a limited agriculture, supplemented by hunting and fishing, without arts, monuments, or history of importance. The Ulva of Honduras practiced head-flattening. The Carib of the same region were forced immigrants from the Antilles.
Praticamente toda a parte das Índias Ocidentais foi ocupada por tribos de dois grupos linguísticos, sendo o primeiro de origem arawakana e o mais recente sendo invasores caribes da costa norte da América do Sul. Os aborígenes arawakan estavam em um status cultural semelhante ao de nossas tribos do Golfo, subsistindo principalmente da agricultura e praticando as artes mais simples, mas desajustados por seu hábito pacífico para resistir às investidas do predatório Carib, cujo próprio nome é sinônimo de "canibal". Sob as terríveis crueldades de seus conquistadores e vigilantes espanhóis, foram virtualmente exterminados dentro de duas gerações após a descoberta (veja Arawaks).
Practically the whole of the West Indies were occupied by tribes of two linguistic stocks, the earlier of the Arawakan origin, the more recent being Cariban invaders from the northern coast of South America. The Arawakan aborigines were about in the cultural status of our own Gulf tribes, subsisting chiefly by agriculture and practicing the simpler arts, but unfitted by their peaceful habit to withstand the inroads of the predatory Carib, whose very name is synonymous with "cannibal". Under the awful cruelties of their Spanish conquerors and taskmasters they were virtually exterminated within two generations of the discovery (see Arawaks).
Reconhece-se comumente que as famílias linguísticas representadas no México, América Central e Índias Ocidentais eram cerca de vinte e cinco em número, conforme listado abaixo, sendo aquelas marcadas com um asterisco também extra-limitares: *Athapascan (Chihuahua etc.); *Cariban (Honduras e as ilhas); Chiapanecan (Oaxaca); Huavean (Oaxaca); Lencan (Honduras); Maratinian, ou Tamaulipecan (Tamaulipas); Matagalpan (Nicarágua); Mayan (Yucatán, Tabasco, Chiapas, Guatemala); Mosquitan (Honduras); *Nahuatlan Shoshonian (México, etc.); Olivean (Tamaulipas); Otomian (Guerrero, etc.); Pakawan, ou Coahuiltecan (Coahuila); Payan (Honduras); Serian (Sonora); Subtiaban (Nicarágua); Tarascan (Michoacán); Tequistlatecan (Oaxaca, Guerrero); Totonacan (Vera Cruz); Ulvan (Nicarágua etc.); Waikurian (Califórnia); Xanambriam (Tamaulipas); Xicaquan (Honduras); Xincan (Guatemala); *Yuman (Califórnia).
As commonly recognized, the linguistic stocks represented in Mexico, Central America, and the West Indies were about twenty-five in number, as given below, those marked with an asterisk being also extra-limital: *Athapascan (Chihuahua etc.); *Cariban (Honduras and the islands); Chiapanecan (Oaxaca); Huavean (Oaxaca); Lencan (Honduras); Maratinian, or Tamaulipecan (Tamaulipas); Matagalpan (Nicaragua); Mayan (Yucatan, Tabasco, Chiapas, Guatemala); Mosquitan (Honduras); *Nahuatlan Shoshonian (Mexico, etc.); Olivean (Tamaulipas); Otomian (Guerrero, etc.); Pakawan, or Coahuiltecan (Coahuila); Payan (Honduras); Serian (Sonora); Subtiaban (Nicaragua); Tarascan (Michoacan); Tequistlatecan (Oaxaca, Guerrero); Totonacan (Vera Cruz); Ulvan (Nicaragua etc.); Waikurian (California); Xanambriam (Tamaulipas); Xicaquan (Honduras); Xincan (Guatemala); *Yuman (California).
América do Sul
South America
Idioma e população
Language and population
No continente sul-americano, existia, antes da ocupação europeia, uma cadeia de civilizações altamente desenvolvidas que se estendia ao longo dos platôs andinos, desde o Istmo para o sul até o Chile, enquanto todo o resto — incluindo a estreita faixa costeira ao longo do Pacífico e as grandes florestas e pampas que se estendiam em direção ao Atlântico — era ocupado por pequenas tribos de status cultural primitivo, desde os agricultores sedentários do médio Orinoco e do Piraná até os rudes selvagens da Terra do Fogo.
On the South American continent there existed prior to European occupation a chain of highly developed civilizations extending along the Andean plateaus from the Isthmus southward into Chile, while all the rest—including the narrow coast strip along the Pacific and the great forests and pampas stretching forward to the Atlantic—were occupied by petty tribes of primitive culture status, from the sedentary agriculturalists of the middle Orinoco and the Piraná to the rude savages of Tierra del Fuego.
Entre as nações civilizadas, de norte a sul, estavam os Muysca ou Chibcha da Colômbia, os Yunca e Quichua do Peru, e os Aymará, que apresentam algumas problematicidades na fronteira do Peru e da Bolívia. Dentre estes, os mais populosos, importantes e conhecidos eram os Quichua, cujo grande império do Peru, com sua capital em Cuzco, dominava toda a região a oeste da grande Cordilheira, desde o território Chibcha até cerca do 35º paralelo no Chile, com colônias periféricas entre os Chalchaqui de Catamarca, a leste da cadeia dos Andes. Sua casta dominante, os Incas, que reivindicavam descendência do sol e aos quais pertenciam os imperadores e a nobreza, parecem ter sido originalmente a tribo núcleo do império, que ao longo dos séculos foi gradualmente absorvendo quase todas as tribos de origem Quichuan, juntamente com um número de tribos e nações de origens alheias e de diferentes graus de cultura. Ao contrário dos Aztecas, que mantinham as tribos submetidas apenas pela força superior, as tribos Incas seguiam uma política sistemática de remoção e colonização em relação às tribos conquistadas, sob a qual as diferenças tribais desapareciam rapidamente, e os novos súditos eram completamente fundidos ao corpo do império. O governo, embora quase absoluto, era brando e paternal, cuidando atentamente do bem-estar de cada classe e cidadão, definindo seus privilégios e deveres, e responsabilizando cada um de acordo com sua contribuição para o bem-estar geral. A religião compartilhava desse caráter benevolente, não possuindo os rituais sangrentos e canibalescos dos Aztecas. A civilização material era provavelmente a mais avançada da América aborígine, com a agricultura, confecção de cerâmica, tecelagem e metalurgia em ouro e bronze em seu auge, enquanto os estupendos templos, fortalezas e estradas, feitos de pedra cortada maciça, eram sem paralelo no Continente e ainda desafiam os séculos. No entanto, em arte escultórica, eles estavam atrás dos Aztecas, Maias e outras nações do norte, e em qualquer aspecto literário não haviam progredido além de um sistema simples por meio de quipus ou cordas trançadas. Entre as melhores contas da civilização Inca está a contida em "A Conquista do Peru" de Prescott, uma descrição que se aplica com exatidão aproximada aos outros da região andina. A raça Chibcha foi virtualmente exterminada pelos conquistadores espanhóis em sua sede por ouro, mas no Equador, Peru e Bolívia, os descendentes das antigas nações civilizadas ainda constituem a maior parte da população, e o Quichua é a língua dominante fora das cidades.
Among the civilized nations, in order from north to south, were the Muysca or Chibcha of Columbia, the Yunca and Quichua of Peru, and the somewhat problematic Aymará of the Peru-Bolivia frontier. Of these the most populous, most important, and best known were the Quichua, whose great empire of Peru, with its capital at Cuzco, dominated the whole region west of the great Cordillera from the Chibcha territory to about the 35th parallel in Chile, with outlying colonies among the Chalchaqui of Catamarca, east of the Andes chain. Their ruling caste, the Incas, who claimed descent from the sun and to whom belonged the emperors and the nobility, appear to have been originally the nucleus tribe of the empire, which in the course of centuries had gradually absorbed almost all the tribes of cognate Quichuan stock, together with a number of tribes and nations of alien stocks and of greater or less degree of culture. Unlike the Aztec, who held subjected tribes only by superior force, the Inca tribes pursued a systematic policy of removal and colonization with reference to the conquered tribes under which tribal differences rapidly disappeared, and the new subjects were completely fused into the body of the empire. The government, while nearly absolute, was mild and paternal, looking carefully after the welfare of every class and citizen, defining their privileges and duties, and holding each to a strict account according to its contribution to the general welfare. The religion took part in the same benevolent character, having none of the bloody and cannibalistic rites of the Aztec. The material civilization was probably the most advanced in aboriginal America, agriculture, pottery-making, weaving, and metal-working in gold and bronze being at their highest, while the stupendous temples, fortresses, and roads, in massive cut stone, were without parallel on the Continent, and still defy the centuries. In sculptural art, however, they were behind the Aztec, Maya, and other northern nations, and in anything literary had not progressed beyond a simple system by means of quipus or knotted cords. Among the best accounts of Inca civilization is that contained in Prescott's "Conquest of Peru", a description which will apply with approximate correctness to the others of the Andean region. The Chibcha race was virtually exterminated by the Spanish conquerors in their thirst for gold, but in Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia the descendants of the old civilized nations still constitute the bulk of the population, and the Quichua is the dominant language outside of the cities.
Os Araucanos do sul do Chile, que resistiram com sucesso a todas as tentativas de subjugação até os dias atuais; as tribos Moxos do sul da Bolívia e seus vizinhos, os Calchaquí da Argentina; as numerosas tribos Guaraní do Paraguai; e a maioria das tribos do médio Orinoco, eram principalmente sedentárias e agrícolas, e estavam razoavelmente avançadas nas artes nativas simples, incluindo a cerâmica, a tecelagem e a preparação de farinha de tapioca a partir da raiz de mandioca. As tribos da grande bacia amazônica e do leste do Brasil, como regra, eram principalmente caçadores ou pescadores e de cultura inferior, assim como as tribos predatórias equestres do Chaco, da Argentina central e da Patagônia, enquanto os Ona e outros da severa Terra do Fogo exibiam o mais baixo grau de selvageria, não possuindo roupas, abrigo, estrutura ou qualquer arte digna desse nome. O canibalismo prevalecia sobre uma grande parte do continente, especialmente entre os Botocudo, Guaraní e outros do Piraná e do leste do Brasil, em partes da Guiana e na grande região do Orinoco, e em alguns dos rios superiores do Amazonas. A organização social e as leis e governo tribais, exceto entre as tribos mais sedentárias da região mais ao sul, eram muito vagamente definidas, e a religião de todos parecia ser um simples animismo, com aparentemente muito menos forma cerimonial do que era comum entre as tribos de grau semelhante no continente norte, provavelmente devido à natureza da selva tropical, que dificultava reunir-se em grande número.
The Araucanians of southern Chile, who successfully resisted all attempts at their subjugation to the present day; the Moxos tribes of southern Bolivia and their neighbours, the Calchaqui of Argentina; the populous Guaraní tribes of the Paraguay; and the majority of the tribes of the middle Orinoco, were chiefly sedentary and agricultural in habit, and fairly well advanced in the simple native arts, including pottery-making, weaving, and the preparation of tapioca flour from the manioc root. The tribes of the great Amazon basin and of eastern Brazil, as a rule, were primarily hunters or fishers and of lower culture, as were the predatory equestrian tribes of the Chaco, central Argentina, and Patagonia, while the Ona and others of inclement Tierra del Fuego displayed the lowest degree of savagery, being without clothing, shelter, structure, or any art worthy of the name. Cannibalism prevailed over a large portion of the continent, especially among the Botocudo, Guaraní, and others of the Piraná and eastern Brazil, in portions of Guiana and the great Orinoco region, and on some of the upper streams of the Amazon. Social organization and tribal laws and government, excepting among the more sedentary tribes of the more southern region, were very loosely defined, and the religion of all seems to have been simple animism, with apparently much less of ceremonial form than was common among the tribes of similar grade on the northern continent, probably due to the nature of the tropical wilderness, which made it difficult to come together in large numbers.
As tribos orientais foram terrivelmente destruídas pelos traficantes de escravos organizados em períodos anteriores e até que os jesuítas as armassem para uma defesa efetiva no século dezessete. A civilização, com seus vícios introduzidos e novas doenças, particularmente a varíola, tem sido tão destrutiva para elas quanto para outras raças selvagens, e, apesar dos esforços missionários e da proteção governamental esporádica em alguns estados, parecem estar marchando rapidamente para a extinção final.
The eastern tribes were terribly wasted by the organized slave-traders in the earlier period and until the Jesuits armed them for effective defence in the seventeenth century. Civilization with its introduced vices and new diseases, particularly smallpox, has been as destructive to them as to other savage races, and in spite of missionary effort and sporadic government protection in some states, they seem rapidly marching to final extinction.
Como tabelado por Chamberlain, nossa autoridade mais recente (South American Linguistic Stocks, 1907), o número de famílias linguísticas da América do Sul era aproximadamente oitenta, conforme listado abaixo, o qual pode estar sujeito a algumas mudanças com investigações mais aprofundadas. Destas, o Tuplan, ou Tupi-Guaraní, ocupa a maior parte do Brasil e do Paraguai e forma a base da lingoa geral ou língua de comércio. Alikulufan (Tierra del Fuego), Andaquian (Colômbia), Apoliston (Bolívia), Arauan (Brasil), Araucan ou Aucan (Chile), Arawakan (Venezuela, etc.), Ardan (Equador), Atacameñan (Chile), Aymaran? (Peru, Bolívia), Barbacoan (Colômbia), Betoyan (Colômbia, Venezuela), Bororoan (Brasil), Calchaquian (Argentina), Canarian (Peru-Equador), Canicunan (Bolívia), Carajan (Brasil), Caraban (Venezuela, Guiana, etc.), Caririan (Brasil), Cayubaban (Bolívia), Charruan (Uruguai), Chibchan (Colômbia), Chiquitan (Bolívia), Chocoan (Colômbia), Cholonan (Peru), Chonoan (Chile), Churoyan (Colômbia), Cocnucan (Colômbia), Corabecan (Bolívia), Cunan (Colômbia), Curucunecan (Bolívia), Curuminacan (Bolívia), Enomagan (Paraguai), Goyatacan (Brasil), Guahiban (Colômbia), Guraraunan (Venezuela), Guatoan (Bolívia-Brasil), Guaycuran (Argentina), Itenean (Bolívia), Itonaman (Bolívia), Itucalean (Peru), Jivaran (Equador), Laman (Peru), Lecan (Bolívia), Lorenzan (Peru), Lulean (Argentina), Mainan (Equador), Makuan (Brasil), Matacan (Argentina, Paraguai), Miranhan (Brasil), Mocoan (Colômbia), Mosetenan (Bolívia), Moviman (Bolívia), Muran (Brasil), Ocoronan (Bolívia), Onan (Tierra del Fuego), Otomacan (Venezuela), Otuquian (Bolívia), Paniquitan (Colômbia), Panoan (Peru), Peban (Peru, Equador), Piaroan (Colômbia, Venezuela), Puelchean (Argentina), Puinavian (Colômbia), Puquinan (Peru), Quichuan (Peru, Equador, etc.), Salivan (Venezuela), Samucan (Bolívia), Tacanan (Bolívia), Tapuyan (Brasil, Colômbia), Ticunan (Brasil), Timotean (Venezuela), Tupían (Brasil, Paraguai, Bolívia, etc.), Trumaian (Brasil), Tsonekan (Argentina), Uitotan (Brasil), Yaganan (Tierra del Fuego), Yaruran (Venezuela—Colômbia), Yuncan (Peru), Yurucan (Bolívia), Zaparan (Equador).
As tabulated by Chamberlain, our most recent authority (South American Linguistic Stocks, 1907), the number of South American linguistic stocks was approximately eighty, as given below, the list being liable to some change with more extended investigation. Of these the Tuplan, or Tupi-Guaraní, alone occupies the greater portion of Brazil and Paraguay, and forms the basis of the lingoa geral or trade language. Alikulufan (Tierra del Fuego), Andaquian (Columbia), Apoliston (Bolivia), Arauan (Brazil), Araucan, or Aucan (Chile), Arawakan (Venezuela &c.), Ardan (Ecuador), Atacameñan (Chile), Aymaran? (Peru, Bolivia), Barbacoan (Columbia), Betoyan (Columbia, Venezuela), Bororoan (Brazil), Calchaquian (Argentina), Canarian (Peru-Ecuador), Canicunan (Bolivia), Carajan (Brazil), Caraban (Venezuela, Guiana, &c.), Caririan (Brazil), Cayubaban (Bolivia), Charruan (Uruguay), Chibchan (Columbia), Chiquitan (Bolivia), Chocoan (Columbia), Cholonan (Peru), Chonoan (Chile), Churoyan (Columbia), Cocnucan (Columbia), Corabecan (Bolivia), Cunan (Columbia), Curucunecan (Bolivia), Curuminacan (Bolivia), Enomagan (Paraguay), Goyatacan (Brazil), Guahiban (Columbia), Guraraunan (Venezuela), Guatoan (Bolivia-Brazil), Guaycuran (Argentina), Itenean (Bolivia), Itonaman (Bolivia), Itucalean (Peru), Jivaran (Ecuador), Laman (Peru), Lecan (Bolivia), Lorenzan (Peru), Lulean (Argentina), Mainan (Ecuador), Makuan (Brazil), Matacan (Argentina, Paraguay), Miranhan (Brazil), Mocoan (Columbia), Mosetenan (Bolivia), Moviman (Bolivia), Muran (Brazil), Ocoronan (Bolivia), Onan (Tierra del Fuego), Otomacan (Venezuela), Otuquian (Bolivia), Paniquitan (Columbia), Panoan (Peru), Peban (Peru, Ecuador), Piaroan (Columbia, Venezuela), Puelchean (Argentina), Puinavian (Columbia), Puquinan (Peru), Quichuan (Peru, Ecuador, &c.), Salivan (Venezuela), Samucan (Bolivia), Tacanan (Bolivia), Tapuyan (Brazil, Columbia), Ticunan (Brazil), Timotean (Venezuela), Tupían (Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia, &c.), Trumaian (Brazil), Tsonekan (Argentina), Uitotan (Brazil), Yaganan (Tierra del Fuego), Yaruran (Venezuela—Columbia), Yuncan (Peru), Yurucan (Bolivia), Zaparan (Ecuador).
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- Idem, Hist. of Central America (3 vols., San Francisco, 1886-87)
- Bandelier, Art of War of the Ancient Mexicans (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1877)
- Idem, Distribution of Lands and Customs of Inheritance (Mexico) (Cambridge, 1878)
- Idem, Social Organization of the Ancient Mexicans (Cambridge, 1879)
- Bard (Squier), Waikna: the Mosquito Shore (New York, 1855)
- Botturini, Nueva Historia General de la Am. Septentrional (Madrid, 1746)
- Idem, Idea de una nueva hist. general de la América Septentrional (Aztec hieroglyphics and bibliography) (Madrid, 1746)
- Bowditch, tr. and ed., Mexican and Central Am. Antiquities (from German of Seller, Förstemann, Schellhas, Sapper, and Dieseldorff in Bul. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1904)
- Brasseur de Bourbourg, Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique Centrale (pre-Columbian) (4 vols., Paris, 1857)
- Idem, Coll. des documents dans les langues indigènes (Mexico, Central America, and Haiti, with Popol Vuh of Quiches (vols. Paris, 1861-68)
- Carrillo y Ancona, Historia antigua de Yucatan (1868, 2nd ed., Mérida, 1883)
- Clavigero, Historia antica del Messico (Cesena, 1780), tr. Cullen, Hist. of Mexico (2 vols., London, 1787)
- Idem, Storia della California (2 vols., Venice, 1789, tr. Spanish, Mexico, 1852)
- Dupaix, Antiquités Mexicaines (2 vols., Paris, 1834)
- Engelhart, Franciscans in California (Harbor Springs, Mich., 1897)
- Fancourt, Hist. of Yucatan, (London, 1854)
- Fewkes, Aborigines of Porto Rico, in Twenty-fifth Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. (Washington, 1907)
- Idem, Antiquities of Eastern Mexico, ibid
- Fürstemann, Commentary on the Dresden Maya MS. (Or. Ger., Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1906)
- see also Bowditch
- Gomara, Historia general de las indias (Saragossa, 1554)
- Idem, Hist. de las Conquistas de Hernando Cortés (reprint) (2 vols., Mexico, 1826)
- Hartman, Archæological Researches in Costa Rica (Carnegie Mus., Pittsburgh, 1907)
- Holmes, Archæological Studies among the Ancient Cities of Mexico (Field Mus., 2 rpts., Chicago, 1895-97)
- Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleras (Paris, 1810)
- tr. Researches Concerning the Ancient Inhabitants of Am. (2 vols., London, 1814)
- Ixtlilxochitl, Historie des Chichmèques (tr. from Sp. MS, 2 vols., Paris, 1840
- also, Sp. in Kingsborough, IX
- Fr. in Ternaux-Compans series)
- Kingsborough, Antiquities of Mexico (9 vols., London, 1841-48)
- Leon, Los Tarascos, (3 pts, Mexico, 1901-6)
- and many papers, chiefly in the Anales del Museo Nacional
- Lumholz, Symbolism of the Huichol Inds. in Am. Mus. Mem. (New York, 1900)
- Idem, Unknown Mexico (New York, 2 vols., 1902)
- Maler, The Usumasintla Valley in Peabody Mus. Memoirs, II and IV (Cambridge, 1901-03-08)
- Martyr, Hist. of the West Indies (orig. Sp. ed., 1504-30
- tr. London, 1597)
- Mayer, Mexico: Aztec, Spanish, and Republican (Hartford, 1853)
- Mota Padilla, Conquista de la nueva Galicia (Mexico, 1870)
- North, The Mother of California (San Francisco, New York, 1908)
- Nuttall, Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civilization (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1901)
- Idem, Codex Nuttall (Peabody Mus., Cambridge, 1902)
- Idem, Book of Life of the Ancient Mexicans (2 vols., Univ. of Cal., Berkeley, 1903-09)
- Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta etnográfica de México (Mexico, 1864)
- Pentel, Lenguas Indigenas de México (2 vols., México, 1862-65
- 3 vols., 1874-75)
- Prescott, Hist. of the Conquest of Mexico (3 vols., New York and London, 1843)
- Ribas, Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fé (Madrid, 1645)
- Sahagun, Historia General de Nueva Hispaña (1529-1590) (3 vols., Mexico, 1829)
- Seler, Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerikanischen Sprach- und Alterthums Lunde (Berlin, 1902)
- Idem, Reisebriefe aus Mexiko (Berlin, 1889)
- Idem, Auf alter Wegen in Mexiko und Guatemala (Berlin, 1900)
- Idem, Codex Feyervary (Berlin, 1901
- tr., Berlin, 1901-02)
- Idem, Codex Vaticanus (2 vols., Berlin, 1902)
- Squier, Central America (2 vols., New York, 1853)
- Idem, Nicaragua (New York, 1852)
- Idem, Original Documents and Relations (Guatemala, etc.) (New York, 1860)
- Stephen, Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan (2 vols., New York, 1841, 25 eds.)
- Idem, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan (New York, 1843)
- Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, Relations, et Mémoirs originaux etc. (20 vols., Paris, 1837-40)
- Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana etc. (3 vols., Madrid, 1613
- Barcia, ed., 3 vols., Madrid, 1823)
- Venegas, Noticia de la California (3 vols., Madrid, 1757
- tr. 2 vols., London, 1759)
- Villagutierra, Soto-Major, Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza (Madrid, 1701)
- Villa Señor y Sanchez, Theatro Americano (2 vols., Mexico, 1746
- Madrid, 1748)
- Ximenez, Origen de los Indios (Guatemala) (Scherier ed., Vienna, 1857)
- Young, Residence on the Mosquito Shore (1839-41) (London, 1842). See also United States and South America.
Fontes:
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- Nova York, 1865)
- Ternaux-Compans, veja sob México
- im Thurn, Entre os Índios da Guiana (1883)
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- Wallace, Viagens na Amazônia e no Rio Negro (Londres, 1853)
- de Zarate, História da Descoberta e da Conquista do Peru (2 vols., Paris, 1716, 1830), do espanhol (Antuérpia, 1555), tr. (Londres, 1581). Veja também acima: México
- América Central
- e Índias Ocidentais.
- SOUTH AMERICA: Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville, 1590
- tr. London, 1604)
- Idem, De natura Novi Orbis (Salamanca, 1588-89)
- Acuna, Nueva descrubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazonas (Madrid, 1641)
- tr., Voyages and Discoveries in South America (London, 1698), also in Hakluyt Soc. Reps. (1859)
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- Azara, Voyages dans l'Amérique Méridionale (1781-1801) (4 vols., Paris, 1809)
- Barrére, Nouv. relation de la France Equinoxiale (Guiana) (Paris, 1743)
- Bates, Naturalist on the Amazon (London, 1863)
- Benzoni, Historia del mondo nuovo (Venice, 1565, tr. Hakluyt Soc., London, 1857)
- Bollaert, Antiquarian, Ethnological, and Other Researches (Andes Region) (London, 1860)
- Boman, Antiquités de la région Andine (2 vols., Paris, 1908)
- Bourbe, Captive in Patagonia (Boston, 1858)
- Boygiani, I Caduvei (Mbayá, or Guaycuru) (Rome, 1895)
- Brett, Indian tribes of Guiana (New York, 1852)
- Castelnau, Expédition dans l'Amérique du Sud (1843-7) (Paris, 1852)
- Chamberlain, South American linguistic Stocks in Proc. Congress of Americanists (Quebec, 1907)
- Charlevoix, Historie du Paraguay (3 vols., Paris, 1756
- tr. 2 vols., London, 1769)
- Chervin, Anthropologie Bolivienne: Sénéchal et La Grande Mission Scientifique (Paris, 1907-08)
- Chile, Colleción de Documentos Inéditos (Santiago, 1899)
- Cieza, Historia de Perú (Seville, 1553), tr., Travels through the Mighty Kingdom of Peru (London, 1709)
- Columbia: Geographical Account of that Country (2 vols., London, 1822)
- Dobrizhoffer (published in Latin, Vienna, 1784), tr., Account of the Abipones (London, 1882)
- Ehrenreich, Anthropolog. Studien (Brazil) (Brunswick, 1897)
- Forbes, Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru in Eth. Soc. Journal, N. S. II (London, 1870)
- Garsilaso de la Vega, Commentarios reales de la origen de las Incas (Lisbon, 1609
- Madrid, 1723) tr. Hakluyt Soc. (2 vols., London, 1869)
- Idem, Historia general del Perú (Cordova, 1617
- Madrid, 1722)
- tr. of both, Royal Commentaries of Peru (London, 1688)
- Graham, A vanished Arcadia (Paraguay missions) (London, 1901)
- T. Guevara, Psicologia del pueblo Araucano (Santiago, 1908)
- Idem, Historia de la civilización de Araucania (Santiago, 1900)
- J. Guevara, Historia del Paraguay, Rio de la Plata y Tucuman (Buenos Aires, 1836)
- Gumilla, Historia Natural de la Naciones del Rio Oronoco (2 vols, Barcelona, 1741, tr., Fr. 3 vols., Avignon, 1758)
- Helps, The Spanish Conquest in America (4 vols., London, 1861)
- Herdon, Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon (2 vols. and maps, Washington, 1854)
- Herrara, Historia General de las Hechos de los Costellanos, (4 vols, Madrid, 1601, 1720
- tr., Fr., 3 vols., Paris, 1671
- mutilated tr. 6 vols., London, 1740)
- Humboldt and Bonpland, Personal Narratives of Travel to the Equinoctial Regions (1799-1804) (tr. 8 vols., London, 1818
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- Las Casas, Brevissima relación de la destruyción de las Indias (Seville, 1552), tr., Relation of the First Voyages (London, 1699)
- tr., Latin, Italian, German, Dutch
- tr. French in Oeuvres (Paris, 1810)
- de Lery, Voyage en la Terre du Brésil (3rd. ed., Paris, 1585)
- Lozaro, Historia de la Comp. de Jesús en Paraguay (2 vols., Madrid, 1554-5)
- Magalhanes de Gondaro. Historie de la Province de Santa Cruz (i.e., Brazil) (Lisbon, 1572
- tr. Fr., Paris, 1637)
- Marcoy, Voyage á travers l'Amérique du Sud (2 vols., Paris, 1869) (fine engravings)
- Markham, Cuzco: A Journey to the Ancient Capital of Peru (London, 1856)
- Idem, Grammar and Dictionary of Quicha (Peru) (London, 1864)
- Idem, Travels in Peru and India (1862)
- Idem, Ollanta, An Ancient Ynca Drama (London, 1871)
- Idem, List of Tribes in the Valley of the Amazon in Journ. Anth. Inst. XXIV (London, 1895)
- Medina, Los Aborigines de Chile (Santiago, 1882)
- Modina, Geographical, Natural, and Civil History of Chili (Bologna, 1782, also Spanish and German tr.
- tr. 2 vols., Middletown, 1808)
- Montoya, Conquista espiritual del Paraguay (Lima?, 1639)
- Muratori, Relations of the Missions of Paraguay, tr. (London, 1759)
- d'Obbigny, L'Homme Américain de l'Amérique Méridinale (3 vols., Paris, 1839)
- Ortega, Apostol. afanes de la Compañia de Jesús (Barcelona, 1754)
- Orton, The Andes and the Amazon (1870)
- Outes, Estudios etnográficos (Querndi, etc.) (Buenos Aires, 1894-8)
- Marcano, Ethnographie précolumbienne du Venezuela
- Page, La Plata, the Argentine Confederation, and Paraguay (New York, 1859)
- Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru (2 vols., London, 1847)
- Raleigh, Discovery of Guiana (original ed., 1596
- London, Hakluyt Society, 1848)
- Reclus, The Earth and Its Inhabitants: South America tr. Keane (2 vols., New York, 1894-5)
- Rivet, Les Indiens Jibaros in L'Anthropologie (Paris, 1907, 1908)
- Riviero and Tschudi, Antiquedades Peruanas (Vienna, 1851), tr. Hawkes (New York, 1853)
- Saville, Antiquites of Manabi, Ecuador (Heye Expdn.) (New York, 1907)
- Seymour, Pioneering in the Pampas (London, 1869)
- Simon, Expedition in Search of El Dorado and Omagua in 1560-61, tr. (Hakluyt Soc., London, 1861)
- Smith, The Araucanians (New York, 1855)
- Smyth, Journey from London to Peru (London, 1836)
- Spix and Martius, Reise nach Brasilien (1817-20) (3 vols., Munich, 1824-31), tr. Travels in Brazil (London, 1824)
- Squier, Peru: Explorations in the Land of the Incas (New York, 1877)
- Staden, Veritable Historie (Brazilian Indians) (Paris, 1837), tr. from German (Marburg, 1557)
- von der Steinen, Durch Central Brasilien (1884) (Leipzig, 1886)
- Idem, Unter dem Naturvölker Zentral Brasiliens (1887-8) (Berlin, 1894)
- Suárez, Historia General del Ecuador (9 vols., Quito, 1890-1903)
- Tschudi, Peru: Reiseskizzen (1838-42) (2 vols., St. Gall, 1844), tr. Travels in Peru (London, 1847
- New York, 1865)
- Ternaux-Compans, see under Mexico
- im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (1883)
- Uhle, Kultur und Industrie südamerikanischer Volker (1889)
- Idem, Explorations in Peru (archæology) (Univ. of Cal., Berkeley)
- Uhle and Stubel, Ruinstätte von Tuihuanaco, Peru (Breslau, 1892)
- Ulloa, Noticias Americanas (Madrid, 1747, 1772, 1792)
- tr. Fr., Mémoires philosophiques (2 vols, Paris, 1878)
- Uricochea, Antiquedades Neo-granadinas (Berlin, 1854)
- Wallace, Travels on the Amazon and the Rio Negro (London, 1853)
- de Zarate, Hist de la découverts et de la Conquête de Pérou (2 vols, Paris, 1716, 1830), from the Spanish (Antwerp, 1555), tr. (London, 1581). See also above: Mexico
- central America
- and the West Indies.